An experimental investigation into pornography’s effect on men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex

An experimental investigation into pornography’s effect on men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex. Dan Miller, Kerry Anne McBain, Peter Raggatt. Psychology of Popular Media Culture, Aug 13 , 2018. http://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2018-38814-001

Abstract: This experimental study investigates whether exposure to pornography affects men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in, and enjoying, “porn-like” sex. Participants (N = 418) were either exposed to nonpornographic control videos or pornographic videos in which a male taxi driver has sex with a female passenger. Participants’ perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in various sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography (e.g., unprotected sex with a stranger and rough sex) were then assessed across 2 vignettes. In the first vignette, a male taxi driver propositions a female passenger. In the second, a male boss propositions a female employee. The study was administered online to maximize ecological validity. No effect was found for experimental exposure. However, an effect was detected for past exposure. Men who had viewed taxi-themed pornography in the past 6 months rated the female taxi vignette character as being more likely to engage in porn-like sex with a male taxi driver. Similarly, those who had viewed workplace-themed pornography in the past 6 months judged the female workplace vignette character as being more likely to engage in porn-like sex with a male boss. The implications of these findings for theoretical models of sexual media socialization are discussed.

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Introduction
Due to the proliferation of the Internet, pornography is now more easily accessible than ever before. Given this accessibility, it is perhaps not surprising that survey research consistently finds pornography consumption to be commonplace, especially among young men. A meta-analysis of four large-scale, nationally-representative surveys estimates that 46% of US men and 16% of US women aged between 18 and 39 are weekly pornography viewers (Regnerus, Gordon, & Price, 2015), although several smaller surveys have reported higher weekly viewing figures, especially among men (Kvalem, Træen, Lewin, & Štulhofer 2014; Nelson et al., 2014; Miller, Hald, & Kidd, 2017; Morgan, 2011; Rosser et al., 2013; Sun, Miezan, Lee, & Shim, 2015; Træen & Daneback, 2013). Additionally, multiple studies report that more than 90% of men have viewed pornography at some point (Kvalem et al., 2014; Nelson et al., 2014; Miller, et al., 2017; Morgan, 2011; Mulya & Hald, 2014; Rosser et al., 2013; Sun,  Miezan, Lee, & Shim, 2015; Træen & Daneback, 2013).

The high prevalence of pornography consumption raises questions about the potential socializing effects of pornography use. A great deal of research has been generated in response to this. One particularly fruitful theory to be applied to the area of sexual media socialization is sexual script theory (Gagnon & Simon, 2005, see also Weiderman, 2015). Simply put, sexual script theory posits that human sexual behaviour is guided by scripts: “the mental representations individuals construct and then use to make sense of their experience, including their own and others’ behavior” (Weiderman, 2015, p. 7). Wright (2011) builds on sexual script theory with his acquisition, activation, and application model of media sexual socialization (3AM; see also Wright & Bae, 2016; Wright & Tokunaga, 2015). The 3AM argues that pornography plays an important role in creating new scripts (acquisition), priming existing scripts (activation), and encouraging the utilization of scripts to inform attitudes and behaviors (application). Accordingly, pornography may influence what is thought of as normative, impacting perceptions of sexuality, sexual situations, sexual behaviours, and evaluations of sexual relations (Hald, Seaman, & Linz, 2014).

There is research indicating that pornography use affects consumers’ attitudes and behaviors in ways that are consistent with sexual script theory. For example, content-analytic studies suggest that mainstream pornography rarely depicts condom use (Gorman, Monk Turner, & Fish, 2010; Vannier, Currie, & O’Sullivan, 2014). To put this in the language of sexual script theory, much pornography contains scripts presenting condomless sex as normative. Wright, Tokunaga, and Kraus (2016) found that university students who frequently consumed pornography judged their peers to be less likely to use condoms (script acquisition and activation) and were themselves more likely to engage in condomless sex (script application). Similarly, pornography use has been found to be associated with a desire to engage in the kinds of sexual practices depicted in pornography (Morgan, 2011), permissiveness towards casual sex (Brown & L’Engle, 2009; Peter & Valkenburg, 2010), and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex (Wright, Tokunaga, & Bae, 2014). One meta analysis of correlation studies found that pornography use is associated with attitudes supporting violence against women, with a stronger effect for violent pornography (which presumably would be more likely to contain scripts suggesting that violence against women is normative), compared to non-violent pornography (Hald, Malamuth, & Yuen, 2010).

Although these results are consistent with sexual script theory, alternative explanations cannot be ruled out due to the cross-sectional nature of many of these studies. For example, the selective exposure hypothesis (see Wright et al., 2016; Wright & Bae, 2016) would suggest that consumers seek out pornography which reflects their existing attitudes and behavioral tendencies, rather than pornographic scripts shaping these attitudes and behaviors (e.g., those who hold attitudes supporting violence against women may be more likely to seek out violent pornography). It is due to this problem of determining direction of causation that multiple authors (Hald, Seaman, & Linz, 2014; Wright & Bae, 2016) have called for more longitudinal and experimental studies into the effects of pornography.

While it is true that the pornography research literature relies heavily on cross-sectional evidence, some experimental studies are available to draw on. Allen, D’Alessio, and Brezgel (1995) meta-analyzed 33 experiments into the effect of pornography on aggression published between 1971 and 1984. Their analysis found experimental exposure to pornography to increase aggressive behavior. This effect was larger for violent pornography. However, the authors also found that this effect was moderated by experimental manipulation of anger. In the meta-analysis experimental exposure to pornography increased aggressive behaviour, but only among participants who were also provoked by a confederate. More recently, Wright and Tokunaga (2015) exposed male university students to explicit centerfolds. They found that the experimental exposure strengthened the sexual reductionism, masculinity validation, and nonrelational sexual beliefs of participants who did not regularly view such material. The centerfolds had no effect on the attitudes of participants who did regularly view such material (although the sexual reductionism, masculinity validation, and nonrelational sexual beliefs of this group were already high). Similarly, Hald and colleagues exposed male and female participants to 25 mins of non-violent pornographic videos (Hald & Malamuth, 2015; Hald, Malamuth, & Lange, 2013). They found experimental exposure to pornography increased attitudes supporting violence against women and hostile sexism among participants low in agreeableness (but not among those high in agreeableness). They also found experimental exposure to pornography to increase hostile sexism among female participants. 

The early experiments meta-analyzed by Allen et al. (1995)  have been criticized for
lacking ecological validity (Fisher & Barack, 1991; Fisher & Grenier, 1994)—both in terms
of the laboratory setting in which the studies were carried out and the frequent use of
experimental procedures that provided participants no option but to aggress (e.g., having
participants choose the strength of an electric shock to be delivered to a female confederate,
without giving participants the option of not shocking the confederate). While the more
recently-conducted experiments described above (Hald & Malamuth, 2015; Hald et al., 2013;
Wright & Tokunaga, 2015) differ from these early experiments in terms of the outcome
variables assessed, there are still issues surrounding their ecological validity. It has to be
acknowledged that viewing pornography in a laboratory setting is unusual and potentially
embarrassing for participants, and may affect the way participants respond on outcome
measures. Another issue that needs to be considered in regard to experimental investigations
into the effects of pornography is past exposure. As has been outlined above, the prevalence
of pornography consumption in the population is high (especially among men). As such, it is
questionable as to whether experimental exposure to 15–30 mins of pornographic content (the
typical level of experimental exposure) would be enough to create a meaningful difference
between the control and exposure groups in terms of the treatment (although it may be
enough to prime an existing script). We will refer to this as the past exposure problem.1

Conclusions and Implications

Whereas previous studies have tended to focus on pornography’s influence on consumers’ attitudes (e.g., sexism), the current study focused on pornography’s influence on judgements of frequency and probability, namely men’s judgements of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex in situations similar to those depicted in particular genres of pornography (taxi- and workplace-themed pornography). The study provides some evidence that pornography can influence consumers’ judgements of social reality, by affecting consumers’ perceptions of the likelihood of women enthusiastically engaging in the kinds of sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography.

It could be argued that judgments about the likelihood of women having pornographic sex are less important than pornography’s effects on more general attitudes, such as sexism. However, we would suggest that pornography influencing such probability judgements may still have widespread societal implications, especially given the high prevalence of men’s pornography use. Furthermore, it is possible that perceptions around the likelihood of women engaging in, and enjoying, porn-like sex may themselves act to influence attitudes and behaviours more generally. For example, as is discussed above (see Introduction), Wright et al. (2016) found that pornography consumption is predictive of judging condom usage to be less common among one’s peers, which in turn, is associated with personally engaging in unprotected sex. In the same way, judging women to be more likely to engage in, and enjoy, porn-like sex may influence pornography users’ conceptions of sexual norms, such that users are more likely to believe porn-like sex to be the norm in both short- and long-term relationships. Conceivably this could flow-on to affect consumers’ attitudes (e.g., causing consumers to adopt more positive attitudes toward personally engaging in porn-like sex) and behaviors (e.g., causing consumers to imitate the sexual practices depicted in pornography with sexual partners, or even causing consumers to proposition strangers in the ways depicted in some pornography). In support of this notion, extant cross-sectional research suggests a positive association between pornography use and holding a preference for engaging in the kinds of sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography (Miller, McBain, Li, & Raggatt, 2018; Morgan, 2011). Shifts in pornography users’ conceptions of sexual norms could potentially foster sexual dissatisfaction within relationships. For example, pornography users may feel a sense of relative deprivation if their partners are unwilling to engage in, what they consider to be, “normal” sexual practices. Alternatively, pornography non-users may feel resentment if they are expected, or pressured, to engage in sexual practices which they have no interest in. Similarly, because pornography consumption reinforces the notion that porn-like sex is wildly pleasurable for all involved, pornography users may feel upset (or even sexually inadequate) if their partners do not find pornographic sex to be pleasurable. Alternatively, it could be argued that expanding societal conceptions around what is sexually normative might have positive repercussions, by reducing the stigma associated with sexual practices which have previously been stigmatized. Whether educating consumers on the non-representative nature of pornography would be enough to nullify the deleterious effects of pornography use is unclear.