Measuring Deception: A Look at Antecedents to Deceptive Intent. Randall J. Boyle, Jeffrey A. Clements and Jeffrey Gainer Proudfoot. The American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 131, No. 3 (Fall 2018), pp. 347-367. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/amerjpsyc.131.3.0347
Abstract: A Deceptive Belief Inventory scale is developed and validated using 10 first-order factors to represent 3 second-order constructs (deception confidence, duping delight, and guiltless deception). A new theoretical model describing how deception confidence, duping delight, and guiltless deception may influence a person's intent to deceive others is also tested. Traditional deceptive communication research has focused on situation-specific factors surrounding deception. This study focuses on understanding and assessing a person's propensity to deceive others. The findings of this study can be used to better understand the factors that may influence a person's reported propensity to deceive and ultimately be used to improve security procedures designed to protect critical information systems.
Tuesday, August 14, 2018
We find that at least 31.2% of the citations to retracted articles happen a year after the article has been retracted, that 91.4% of these post-retraction citations are approving, & that problematic research continues to be approvingly cited long after the problems have been publicized
Propagation of Error: Approving Citations to Problematic Research. Ken Cor and Gaurav Sood. https://github.com/recite/propagation_of_error
Abstract: Reports of serious errors in published research are increasingly common. Once the issues have been made public, we expect approving citations to the problematic articles—citations noting no concerns with the cited article—to stop. Using a novel database of over 3,000 retracted articles and nearly 74,000 citations to the retracted articles as well as data from a prominent article that highlights a statistical error in a set of articles published in prominent journals, we estimate citation rates and rates of approving citations pre- and postnotification. We find that at least 31.2% of the citations to retracted articles happen a year after the article has been retracted. And that 91.4% of these post-retraction citations are approving. We also find that problematic research continues to be approvingly cited long after the problems have been publicized. Our results have implications for the design of scholarship discovery systems and scientific practice more generally.
Abstract: Reports of serious errors in published research are increasingly common. Once the issues have been made public, we expect approving citations to the problematic articles—citations noting no concerns with the cited article—to stop. Using a novel database of over 3,000 retracted articles and nearly 74,000 citations to the retracted articles as well as data from a prominent article that highlights a statistical error in a set of articles published in prominent journals, we estimate citation rates and rates of approving citations pre- and postnotification. We find that at least 31.2% of the citations to retracted articles happen a year after the article has been retracted. And that 91.4% of these post-retraction citations are approving. We also find that problematic research continues to be approvingly cited long after the problems have been publicized. Our results have implications for the design of scholarship discovery systems and scientific practice more generally.
People often have food leftovers, which may impact their eating behavior; given equal actual consumption, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers made people feel they ate less; as a result, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers led people to eat more and exercise less later
Out of proportion? The role of leftovers in eating-related affect and behavior. Aradhna Krishna, Linda Hagen. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2018.08.005
Highlights
• People often have food leftovers, which may impact their eating behavior.
• Given equal actual consumption, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers made people feel they ate less.
• As a result, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers led people to eat more and exercise less later.
• These findings have implications for the success of “Just Eat Half” interventions.
• The findings also underscore the importance of portion-size oriented policy interventions.
Abstract: It is well known that growing portion sizes increase consumption, but grossly enlarged portions also cause consumers to face more and more food leftovers. Despite the relevance of food leftovers, downstream effects of having more food leftovers on consumers' affect and behavior are unknown. In five studies, the authors test the idea that consumers may judge their actual consumption by looking at their leftovers. As such, larger leftovers may reduce perceived consumption and also impact other eating-related behaviors. Using both real and imagined food consumption and leftovers, the authors find that, holding the absolute amount of food consumption equal, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers lead to reduced perceived consumption. This difference in perceived consumption has consequences for people's motivation to compensate for their eating. Larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers cause them to eat more in a subsequent unrelated food consumption task, and also to exercise less in an explicit calorie compensation task. The psychological drivers of this phenomenon are twofold: larger leftovers reduce perceived consumption, which leads people to feel better about themselves; and feeling better about themselves, in turn, reduces people's motivation to compensate. This research reveals a previously unknown negative consequence of grossly enlarged portion sizes and informs research on perceived consumption.
Highlights
• People often have food leftovers, which may impact their eating behavior.
• Given equal actual consumption, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers made people feel they ate less.
• As a result, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers led people to eat more and exercise less later.
• These findings have implications for the success of “Just Eat Half” interventions.
• The findings also underscore the importance of portion-size oriented policy interventions.
Abstract: It is well known that growing portion sizes increase consumption, but grossly enlarged portions also cause consumers to face more and more food leftovers. Despite the relevance of food leftovers, downstream effects of having more food leftovers on consumers' affect and behavior are unknown. In five studies, the authors test the idea that consumers may judge their actual consumption by looking at their leftovers. As such, larger leftovers may reduce perceived consumption and also impact other eating-related behaviors. Using both real and imagined food consumption and leftovers, the authors find that, holding the absolute amount of food consumption equal, larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers lead to reduced perceived consumption. This difference in perceived consumption has consequences for people's motivation to compensate for their eating. Larger (vs. smaller) food leftovers cause them to eat more in a subsequent unrelated food consumption task, and also to exercise less in an explicit calorie compensation task. The psychological drivers of this phenomenon are twofold: larger leftovers reduce perceived consumption, which leads people to feel better about themselves; and feeling better about themselves, in turn, reduces people's motivation to compensate. This research reveals a previously unknown negative consequence of grossly enlarged portion sizes and informs research on perceived consumption.
An experimental investigation into pornography’s effect on men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex
An experimental investigation into pornography’s effect on men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex. Dan Miller, Kerry Anne McBain, Peter Raggatt. Psychology of Popular Media Culture, Aug 13 , 2018. http://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2018-38814-001
Abstract: This experimental study investigates whether exposure to pornography affects men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in, and enjoying, “porn-like” sex. Participants (N = 418) were either exposed to nonpornographic control videos or pornographic videos in which a male taxi driver has sex with a female passenger. Participants’ perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in various sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography (e.g., unprotected sex with a stranger and rough sex) were then assessed across 2 vignettes. In the first vignette, a male taxi driver propositions a female passenger. In the second, a male boss propositions a female employee. The study was administered online to maximize ecological validity. No effect was found for experimental exposure. However, an effect was detected for past exposure. Men who had viewed taxi-themed pornography in the past 6 months rated the female taxi vignette character as being more likely to engage in porn-like sex with a male taxi driver. Similarly, those who had viewed workplace-themed pornography in the past 6 months judged the female workplace vignette character as being more likely to engage in porn-like sex with a male boss. The implications of these findings for theoretical models of sexual media socialization are discussed.
---
Introduction
Due to the proliferation of the Internet, pornography is now more easily accessible than ever before. Given this accessibility, it is perhaps not surprising that survey research consistently finds pornography consumption to be commonplace, especially among young men. A meta-analysis of four large-scale, nationally-representative surveys estimates that 46% of US men and 16% of US women aged between 18 and 39 are weekly pornography viewers (Regnerus, Gordon, & Price, 2015), although several smaller surveys have reported higher weekly viewing figures, especially among men (Kvalem, Træen, Lewin, & Štulhofer 2014; Nelson et al., 2014; Miller, Hald, & Kidd, 2017; Morgan, 2011; Rosser et al., 2013; Sun, Miezan, Lee, & Shim, 2015; Træen & Daneback, 2013). Additionally, multiple studies report that more than 90% of men have viewed pornography at some point (Kvalem et al., 2014; Nelson et al., 2014; Miller, et al., 2017; Morgan, 2011; Mulya & Hald, 2014; Rosser et al., 2013; Sun, Miezan, Lee, & Shim, 2015; Træen & Daneback, 2013).
The high prevalence of pornography consumption raises questions about the potential socializing effects of pornography use. A great deal of research has been generated in response to this. One particularly fruitful theory to be applied to the area of sexual media socialization is sexual script theory (Gagnon & Simon, 2005, see also Weiderman, 2015). Simply put, sexual script theory posits that human sexual behaviour is guided by scripts: “the mental representations individuals construct and then use to make sense of their experience, including their own and others’ behavior” (Weiderman, 2015, p. 7). Wright (2011) builds on sexual script theory with his acquisition, activation, and application model of media sexual socialization (3AM; see also Wright & Bae, 2016; Wright & Tokunaga, 2015). The 3AM argues that pornography plays an important role in creating new scripts (acquisition), priming existing scripts (activation), and encouraging the utilization of scripts to inform attitudes and behaviors (application). Accordingly, pornography may influence what is thought of as normative, impacting perceptions of sexuality, sexual situations, sexual behaviours, and evaluations of sexual relations (Hald, Seaman, & Linz, 2014).
There is research indicating that pornography use affects consumers’ attitudes and behaviors in ways that are consistent with sexual script theory. For example, content-analytic studies suggest that mainstream pornography rarely depicts condom use (Gorman, Monk Turner, & Fish, 2010; Vannier, Currie, & O’Sullivan, 2014). To put this in the language of sexual script theory, much pornography contains scripts presenting condomless sex as normative. Wright, Tokunaga, and Kraus (2016) found that university students who frequently consumed pornography judged their peers to be less likely to use condoms (script acquisition and activation) and were themselves more likely to engage in condomless sex (script application). Similarly, pornography use has been found to be associated with a desire to engage in the kinds of sexual practices depicted in pornography (Morgan, 2011), permissiveness towards casual sex (Brown & L’Engle, 2009; Peter & Valkenburg, 2010), and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex (Wright, Tokunaga, & Bae, 2014). One meta analysis of correlation studies found that pornography use is associated with attitudes supporting violence against women, with a stronger effect for violent pornography (which presumably would be more likely to contain scripts suggesting that violence against women is normative), compared to non-violent pornography (Hald, Malamuth, & Yuen, 2010).
Although these results are consistent with sexual script theory, alternative explanations cannot be ruled out due to the cross-sectional nature of many of these studies. For example, the selective exposure hypothesis (see Wright et al., 2016; Wright & Bae, 2016) would suggest that consumers seek out pornography which reflects their existing attitudes and behavioral tendencies, rather than pornographic scripts shaping these attitudes and behaviors (e.g., those who hold attitudes supporting violence against women may be more likely to seek out violent pornography). It is due to this problem of determining direction of causation that multiple authors (Hald, Seaman, & Linz, 2014; Wright & Bae, 2016) have called for more longitudinal and experimental studies into the effects of pornography.
While it is true that the pornography research literature relies heavily on cross-sectional evidence, some experimental studies are available to draw on. Allen, D’Alessio, and Brezgel (1995) meta-analyzed 33 experiments into the effect of pornography on aggression published between 1971 and 1984. Their analysis found experimental exposure to pornography to increase aggressive behavior. This effect was larger for violent pornography. However, the authors also found that this effect was moderated by experimental manipulation of anger. In the meta-analysis experimental exposure to pornography increased aggressive behaviour, but only among participants who were also provoked by a confederate. More recently, Wright and Tokunaga (2015) exposed male university students to explicit centerfolds. They found that the experimental exposure strengthened the sexual reductionism, masculinity validation, and nonrelational sexual beliefs of participants who did not regularly view such material. The centerfolds had no effect on the attitudes of participants who did regularly view such material (although the sexual reductionism, masculinity validation, and nonrelational sexual beliefs of this group were already high). Similarly, Hald and colleagues exposed male and female participants to 25 mins of non-violent pornographic videos (Hald & Malamuth, 2015; Hald, Malamuth, & Lange, 2013). They found experimental exposure to pornography increased attitudes supporting violence against women and hostile sexism among participants low in agreeableness (but not among those high in agreeableness). They also found experimental exposure to pornography to increase hostile sexism among female participants.
The early experiments meta-analyzed by Allen et al. (1995) have been criticized for
lacking ecological validity (Fisher & Barack, 1991; Fisher & Grenier, 1994)—both in terms
of the laboratory setting in which the studies were carried out and the frequent use of
experimental procedures that provided participants no option but to aggress (e.g., having
participants choose the strength of an electric shock to be delivered to a female confederate,
without giving participants the option of not shocking the confederate). While the more
recently-conducted experiments described above (Hald & Malamuth, 2015; Hald et al., 2013;
Wright & Tokunaga, 2015) differ from these early experiments in terms of the outcome
variables assessed, there are still issues surrounding their ecological validity. It has to be
acknowledged that viewing pornography in a laboratory setting is unusual and potentially
embarrassing for participants, and may affect the way participants respond on outcome
measures. Another issue that needs to be considered in regard to experimental investigations
into the effects of pornography is past exposure. As has been outlined above, the prevalence
of pornography consumption in the population is high (especially among men). As such, it is
questionable as to whether experimental exposure to 15–30 mins of pornographic content (the
typical level of experimental exposure) would be enough to create a meaningful difference
between the control and exposure groups in terms of the treatment (although it may be
enough to prime an existing script). We will refer to this as the past exposure problem.1
Conclusions and Implications
Whereas previous studies have tended to focus on pornography’s influence on consumers’ attitudes (e.g., sexism), the current study focused on pornography’s influence on judgements of frequency and probability, namely men’s judgements of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex in situations similar to those depicted in particular genres of pornography (taxi- and workplace-themed pornography). The study provides some evidence that pornography can influence consumers’ judgements of social reality, by affecting consumers’ perceptions of the likelihood of women enthusiastically engaging in the kinds of sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography.
It could be argued that judgments about the likelihood of women having pornographic sex are less important than pornography’s effects on more general attitudes, such as sexism. However, we would suggest that pornography influencing such probability judgements may still have widespread societal implications, especially given the high prevalence of men’s pornography use. Furthermore, it is possible that perceptions around the likelihood of women engaging in, and enjoying, porn-like sex may themselves act to influence attitudes and behaviours more generally. For example, as is discussed above (see Introduction), Wright et al. (2016) found that pornography consumption is predictive of judging condom usage to be less common among one’s peers, which in turn, is associated with personally engaging in unprotected sex. In the same way, judging women to be more likely to engage in, and enjoy, porn-like sex may influence pornography users’ conceptions of sexual norms, such that users are more likely to believe porn-like sex to be the norm in both short- and long-term relationships. Conceivably this could flow-on to affect consumers’ attitudes (e.g., causing consumers to adopt more positive attitudes toward personally engaging in porn-like sex) and behaviors (e.g., causing consumers to imitate the sexual practices depicted in pornography with sexual partners, or even causing consumers to proposition strangers in the ways depicted in some pornography). In support of this notion, extant cross-sectional research suggests a positive association between pornography use and holding a preference for engaging in the kinds of sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography (Miller, McBain, Li, & Raggatt, 2018; Morgan, 2011). Shifts in pornography users’ conceptions of sexual norms could potentially foster sexual dissatisfaction within relationships. For example, pornography users may feel a sense of relative deprivation if their partners are unwilling to engage in, what they consider to be, “normal” sexual practices. Alternatively, pornography non-users may feel resentment if they are expected, or pressured, to engage in sexual practices which they have no interest in. Similarly, because pornography consumption reinforces the notion that porn-like sex is wildly pleasurable for all involved, pornography users may feel upset (or even sexually inadequate) if their partners do not find pornographic sex to be pleasurable. Alternatively, it could be argued that expanding societal conceptions around what is sexually normative might have positive repercussions, by reducing the stigma associated with sexual practices which have previously been stigmatized. Whether educating consumers on the non-representative nature of pornography would be enough to nullify the deleterious effects of pornography use is unclear.
Abstract: This experimental study investigates whether exposure to pornography affects men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in, and enjoying, “porn-like” sex. Participants (N = 418) were either exposed to nonpornographic control videos or pornographic videos in which a male taxi driver has sex with a female passenger. Participants’ perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in various sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography (e.g., unprotected sex with a stranger and rough sex) were then assessed across 2 vignettes. In the first vignette, a male taxi driver propositions a female passenger. In the second, a male boss propositions a female employee. The study was administered online to maximize ecological validity. No effect was found for experimental exposure. However, an effect was detected for past exposure. Men who had viewed taxi-themed pornography in the past 6 months rated the female taxi vignette character as being more likely to engage in porn-like sex with a male taxi driver. Similarly, those who had viewed workplace-themed pornography in the past 6 months judged the female workplace vignette character as being more likely to engage in porn-like sex with a male boss. The implications of these findings for theoretical models of sexual media socialization are discussed.
---
Introduction
Due to the proliferation of the Internet, pornography is now more easily accessible than ever before. Given this accessibility, it is perhaps not surprising that survey research consistently finds pornography consumption to be commonplace, especially among young men. A meta-analysis of four large-scale, nationally-representative surveys estimates that 46% of US men and 16% of US women aged between 18 and 39 are weekly pornography viewers (Regnerus, Gordon, & Price, 2015), although several smaller surveys have reported higher weekly viewing figures, especially among men (Kvalem, Træen, Lewin, & Štulhofer 2014; Nelson et al., 2014; Miller, Hald, & Kidd, 2017; Morgan, 2011; Rosser et al., 2013; Sun, Miezan, Lee, & Shim, 2015; Træen & Daneback, 2013). Additionally, multiple studies report that more than 90% of men have viewed pornography at some point (Kvalem et al., 2014; Nelson et al., 2014; Miller, et al., 2017; Morgan, 2011; Mulya & Hald, 2014; Rosser et al., 2013; Sun, Miezan, Lee, & Shim, 2015; Træen & Daneback, 2013).
The high prevalence of pornography consumption raises questions about the potential socializing effects of pornography use. A great deal of research has been generated in response to this. One particularly fruitful theory to be applied to the area of sexual media socialization is sexual script theory (Gagnon & Simon, 2005, see also Weiderman, 2015). Simply put, sexual script theory posits that human sexual behaviour is guided by scripts: “the mental representations individuals construct and then use to make sense of their experience, including their own and others’ behavior” (Weiderman, 2015, p. 7). Wright (2011) builds on sexual script theory with his acquisition, activation, and application model of media sexual socialization (3AM; see also Wright & Bae, 2016; Wright & Tokunaga, 2015). The 3AM argues that pornography plays an important role in creating new scripts (acquisition), priming existing scripts (activation), and encouraging the utilization of scripts to inform attitudes and behaviors (application). Accordingly, pornography may influence what is thought of as normative, impacting perceptions of sexuality, sexual situations, sexual behaviours, and evaluations of sexual relations (Hald, Seaman, & Linz, 2014).
There is research indicating that pornography use affects consumers’ attitudes and behaviors in ways that are consistent with sexual script theory. For example, content-analytic studies suggest that mainstream pornography rarely depicts condom use (Gorman, Monk Turner, & Fish, 2010; Vannier, Currie, & O’Sullivan, 2014). To put this in the language of sexual script theory, much pornography contains scripts presenting condomless sex as normative. Wright, Tokunaga, and Kraus (2016) found that university students who frequently consumed pornography judged their peers to be less likely to use condoms (script acquisition and activation) and were themselves more likely to engage in condomless sex (script application). Similarly, pornography use has been found to be associated with a desire to engage in the kinds of sexual practices depicted in pornography (Morgan, 2011), permissiveness towards casual sex (Brown & L’Engle, 2009; Peter & Valkenburg, 2010), and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex (Wright, Tokunaga, & Bae, 2014). One meta analysis of correlation studies found that pornography use is associated with attitudes supporting violence against women, with a stronger effect for violent pornography (which presumably would be more likely to contain scripts suggesting that violence against women is normative), compared to non-violent pornography (Hald, Malamuth, & Yuen, 2010).
Although these results are consistent with sexual script theory, alternative explanations cannot be ruled out due to the cross-sectional nature of many of these studies. For example, the selective exposure hypothesis (see Wright et al., 2016; Wright & Bae, 2016) would suggest that consumers seek out pornography which reflects their existing attitudes and behavioral tendencies, rather than pornographic scripts shaping these attitudes and behaviors (e.g., those who hold attitudes supporting violence against women may be more likely to seek out violent pornography). It is due to this problem of determining direction of causation that multiple authors (Hald, Seaman, & Linz, 2014; Wright & Bae, 2016) have called for more longitudinal and experimental studies into the effects of pornography.
While it is true that the pornography research literature relies heavily on cross-sectional evidence, some experimental studies are available to draw on. Allen, D’Alessio, and Brezgel (1995) meta-analyzed 33 experiments into the effect of pornography on aggression published between 1971 and 1984. Their analysis found experimental exposure to pornography to increase aggressive behavior. This effect was larger for violent pornography. However, the authors also found that this effect was moderated by experimental manipulation of anger. In the meta-analysis experimental exposure to pornography increased aggressive behaviour, but only among participants who were also provoked by a confederate. More recently, Wright and Tokunaga (2015) exposed male university students to explicit centerfolds. They found that the experimental exposure strengthened the sexual reductionism, masculinity validation, and nonrelational sexual beliefs of participants who did not regularly view such material. The centerfolds had no effect on the attitudes of participants who did regularly view such material (although the sexual reductionism, masculinity validation, and nonrelational sexual beliefs of this group were already high). Similarly, Hald and colleagues exposed male and female participants to 25 mins of non-violent pornographic videos (Hald & Malamuth, 2015; Hald, Malamuth, & Lange, 2013). They found experimental exposure to pornography increased attitudes supporting violence against women and hostile sexism among participants low in agreeableness (but not among those high in agreeableness). They also found experimental exposure to pornography to increase hostile sexism among female participants.
The early experiments meta-analyzed by Allen et al. (1995) have been criticized for
lacking ecological validity (Fisher & Barack, 1991; Fisher & Grenier, 1994)—both in terms
of the laboratory setting in which the studies were carried out and the frequent use of
experimental procedures that provided participants no option but to aggress (e.g., having
participants choose the strength of an electric shock to be delivered to a female confederate,
without giving participants the option of not shocking the confederate). While the more
recently-conducted experiments described above (Hald & Malamuth, 2015; Hald et al., 2013;
Wright & Tokunaga, 2015) differ from these early experiments in terms of the outcome
variables assessed, there are still issues surrounding their ecological validity. It has to be
acknowledged that viewing pornography in a laboratory setting is unusual and potentially
embarrassing for participants, and may affect the way participants respond on outcome
measures. Another issue that needs to be considered in regard to experimental investigations
into the effects of pornography is past exposure. As has been outlined above, the prevalence
of pornography consumption in the population is high (especially among men). As such, it is
questionable as to whether experimental exposure to 15–30 mins of pornographic content (the
typical level of experimental exposure) would be enough to create a meaningful difference
between the control and exposure groups in terms of the treatment (although it may be
enough to prime an existing script). We will refer to this as the past exposure problem.1
Conclusions and Implications
Whereas previous studies have tended to focus on pornography’s influence on consumers’ attitudes (e.g., sexism), the current study focused on pornography’s influence on judgements of frequency and probability, namely men’s judgements of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex in situations similar to those depicted in particular genres of pornography (taxi- and workplace-themed pornography). The study provides some evidence that pornography can influence consumers’ judgements of social reality, by affecting consumers’ perceptions of the likelihood of women enthusiastically engaging in the kinds of sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography.
It could be argued that judgments about the likelihood of women having pornographic sex are less important than pornography’s effects on more general attitudes, such as sexism. However, we would suggest that pornography influencing such probability judgements may still have widespread societal implications, especially given the high prevalence of men’s pornography use. Furthermore, it is possible that perceptions around the likelihood of women engaging in, and enjoying, porn-like sex may themselves act to influence attitudes and behaviours more generally. For example, as is discussed above (see Introduction), Wright et al. (2016) found that pornography consumption is predictive of judging condom usage to be less common among one’s peers, which in turn, is associated with personally engaging in unprotected sex. In the same way, judging women to be more likely to engage in, and enjoy, porn-like sex may influence pornography users’ conceptions of sexual norms, such that users are more likely to believe porn-like sex to be the norm in both short- and long-term relationships. Conceivably this could flow-on to affect consumers’ attitudes (e.g., causing consumers to adopt more positive attitudes toward personally engaging in porn-like sex) and behaviors (e.g., causing consumers to imitate the sexual practices depicted in pornography with sexual partners, or even causing consumers to proposition strangers in the ways depicted in some pornography). In support of this notion, extant cross-sectional research suggests a positive association between pornography use and holding a preference for engaging in the kinds of sexual practices commonly depicted in pornography (Miller, McBain, Li, & Raggatt, 2018; Morgan, 2011). Shifts in pornography users’ conceptions of sexual norms could potentially foster sexual dissatisfaction within relationships. For example, pornography users may feel a sense of relative deprivation if their partners are unwilling to engage in, what they consider to be, “normal” sexual practices. Alternatively, pornography non-users may feel resentment if they are expected, or pressured, to engage in sexual practices which they have no interest in. Similarly, because pornography consumption reinforces the notion that porn-like sex is wildly pleasurable for all involved, pornography users may feel upset (or even sexually inadequate) if their partners do not find pornographic sex to be pleasurable. Alternatively, it could be argued that expanding societal conceptions around what is sexually normative might have positive repercussions, by reducing the stigma associated with sexual practices which have previously been stigmatized. Whether educating consumers on the non-representative nature of pornography would be enough to nullify the deleterious effects of pornography use is unclear.
Liberals prefer the following in their narrative TV programs: innovative structure & style, ambiguous/nuanced depictions of moral issues, storylines that extend beyond individual episodes, diverse casts, & explicit depictions of sexuality & gore
Split screens: A content analysis of American liberals’ and conservatives’ respective television favorites. Nick Rogers. Psychology of Popular Media Culture, Aug 13 , 2018. http://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2018-38804-001
Abstract: This project uses a quantitative content analysis to the realm of scripted narrative TV, to examine how “motivated social cognition” may drive ideological partisans to sort themselves within cultural realms that have no obvious political content. The analysis reveals that the substance of the TV programs disproportionately preferred by either liberals or conservatives differs significantly. Specifically, liberals prefer the following in their narrative TV programs: (a) innovative structure and style, (b) ambiguous/nuanced depictions of moral issues, (c) storylines that extend beyond individual episodes, (d) diverse casts, and (e) explicit depictions of sexuality and gore. Conservatives, by contrast, favor the following: (a) conventional style and predictable storytelling, (b) clear depictions of “good” and “bad,” (c) storylines that are resolved within an individual episode, (d) homogenous casts, and (e) “wholesome” (or absent) depictions of sexuality and gore.
Abstract: This project uses a quantitative content analysis to the realm of scripted narrative TV, to examine how “motivated social cognition” may drive ideological partisans to sort themselves within cultural realms that have no obvious political content. The analysis reveals that the substance of the TV programs disproportionately preferred by either liberals or conservatives differs significantly. Specifically, liberals prefer the following in their narrative TV programs: (a) innovative structure and style, (b) ambiguous/nuanced depictions of moral issues, (c) storylines that extend beyond individual episodes, (d) diverse casts, and (e) explicit depictions of sexuality and gore. Conservatives, by contrast, favor the following: (a) conventional style and predictable storytelling, (b) clear depictions of “good” and “bad,” (c) storylines that are resolved within an individual episode, (d) homogenous casts, and (e) “wholesome” (or absent) depictions of sexuality and gore.
Construing minds as different from bodies entails the intuition that mental well-being has little material substrate which in turn attenuates health-sustaining behaviors
Mind-Body Dualism and Health Revisited. How Belief in Dualism Shapes Health Behavior. Pascal Burgmer, Matthias Forstmann. Social Psychology (2018), 49, pp. 219-230. https://doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000344
Abstract: Does a sound mind require a sound body? Whether or not lay people subscribe to this notion depends on their belief in mind-body dualism and critically shapes their health-related behaviors. Six studies (N = 1,710) revisit the relation between dualism and health. We replicate the negative correlation between belief in dualism and health behavior (Study 1) and extend it to behavior in the field (Study 2). Studies 3a and 3b investigate how belief in dualism shapes intuitions about the material origin of psychological well-being, while Studies 4a and 4b examine how these intuitions determine health-related outcomes. In sum, construing minds as different from bodies entails the intuition that mental well-being has little material substrate which in turn attenuates health-sustaining behaviors.
Keywords: health attitudes, health behavior, mind-body dualism, implicit theories, experimental philosophy
Abstract: Does a sound mind require a sound body? Whether or not lay people subscribe to this notion depends on their belief in mind-body dualism and critically shapes their health-related behaviors. Six studies (N = 1,710) revisit the relation between dualism and health. We replicate the negative correlation between belief in dualism and health behavior (Study 1) and extend it to behavior in the field (Study 2). Studies 3a and 3b investigate how belief in dualism shapes intuitions about the material origin of psychological well-being, while Studies 4a and 4b examine how these intuitions determine health-related outcomes. In sum, construing minds as different from bodies entails the intuition that mental well-being has little material substrate which in turn attenuates health-sustaining behaviors.
Keywords: health attitudes, health behavior, mind-body dualism, implicit theories, experimental philosophy
Sexual coercion perpetrators were more accurate than other violent men in the recognition of female facial disgust; female facial expressions of disgust could be subtle cues to their sexual infidelity that motivate sexual coercion in some men
Facial emotion recognition in violent men. Domagoj Švegar, Karolina Horvat, Igor Kardum. International Journal of Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1002/ijop.12522
Abstract: The goal of this study was to explore the ability of violent men to recognise facial affect. In contrast to traditional approaches to this research question, we took the effects of the models' sex and different types of violent behaviour into consideration. Data obtained from 71 violent men revealed that they recognised facial expressions of fear (p = .019) and disgust (p = .013) more accurately when displayed by female than male models. The opposite was found for angry faces (p = .006), while the models' sex did not affect the recognition of sad, happy and surprised facial expressions or neutral faces. Furthermore, sexual coercion perpetrators were more accurate than other violent men in the recognition of female facial disgust (p = .006). These results are discussed in the context of social learning theory, and the hypothesis that female facial expressions of disgust could be subtle cues to their sexual infidelity that motivate sexual coercion in some men.
Abstract: The goal of this study was to explore the ability of violent men to recognise facial affect. In contrast to traditional approaches to this research question, we took the effects of the models' sex and different types of violent behaviour into consideration. Data obtained from 71 violent men revealed that they recognised facial expressions of fear (p = .019) and disgust (p = .013) more accurately when displayed by female than male models. The opposite was found for angry faces (p = .006), while the models' sex did not affect the recognition of sad, happy and surprised facial expressions or neutral faces. Furthermore, sexual coercion perpetrators were more accurate than other violent men in the recognition of female facial disgust (p = .006). These results are discussed in the context of social learning theory, and the hypothesis that female facial expressions of disgust could be subtle cues to their sexual infidelity that motivate sexual coercion in some men.
The value of odorants in selecting a romantic partner seems to reflect two different underlying attitudes: One values all aspects of the smell of a lover, while the other only finds it important that the lover does not smell badly
Olfactory Awareness and the Self-Reported Importance of Olfactory Information in Romantic Interest. Michelle VanHatten, Caitlin Cunningham, Theresa L. White. Chemosensory Perception, https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12078-018-9248-8
Abstract
Introduction: Many people seem to be looking for similar attributes when searching for a potential romantic partner. Olfactory social cues can be important parts of the process, though there are individual differences as to their value. Gay men, for example, value scent less in selecting a romantic partner than do heterosexual men (White and Cunningham, Chemosens Percept 10:31–41, 2017). Is it possible that the relative importance of olfaction in mate selection is simply a natural consequence of being generally aware of odorants?
Method: The present study examined the relationship between odor awareness and odor importance in mating in two studies. Participants in each of the studies completed both the Romantic Interests Survey (Herz and Inzlich, Evol Hum Behav 23:359–364, 2002) and the Odor Awareness Survey (Smeets et al., Chem Senses 33:725–734, 2008). In the first study, 455 college-aged heterosexual individuals were surveyed, while in the second study, 453 individuals varying in sexual preference (142 heterosexual women, 161 heterosexual men, and 150 gay men) completed the questionnaires.
Results: Principle components analyses from both studies revealed two different components underlying scores on the RIS; one component best accounted for OAS scores. Regression analysis for both studies indicated that OAS scores predicted the first RIS principle component, but not the second one.
Conclusions: The value of odorants in selecting a romantic partner seems to reflect two different underlying attitudes. The first attitude values all aspects of the smell of a lover, while the second only finds it important that the lover does not smell badly. Odor awareness is related only to the first of these attitudes.
Implications: These findings suggest that odor awareness accounts for some of the attitudes concerning the value of odors in mate selection, but not all of them. Other factors, such as the need to avoid aversive stimuli, may also contribute to the relative importance of olfaction in selecting a partner.
Abstract
Introduction: Many people seem to be looking for similar attributes when searching for a potential romantic partner. Olfactory social cues can be important parts of the process, though there are individual differences as to their value. Gay men, for example, value scent less in selecting a romantic partner than do heterosexual men (White and Cunningham, Chemosens Percept 10:31–41, 2017). Is it possible that the relative importance of olfaction in mate selection is simply a natural consequence of being generally aware of odorants?
Method: The present study examined the relationship between odor awareness and odor importance in mating in two studies. Participants in each of the studies completed both the Romantic Interests Survey (Herz and Inzlich, Evol Hum Behav 23:359–364, 2002) and the Odor Awareness Survey (Smeets et al., Chem Senses 33:725–734, 2008). In the first study, 455 college-aged heterosexual individuals were surveyed, while in the second study, 453 individuals varying in sexual preference (142 heterosexual women, 161 heterosexual men, and 150 gay men) completed the questionnaires.
Results: Principle components analyses from both studies revealed two different components underlying scores on the RIS; one component best accounted for OAS scores. Regression analysis for both studies indicated that OAS scores predicted the first RIS principle component, but not the second one.
Conclusions: The value of odorants in selecting a romantic partner seems to reflect two different underlying attitudes. The first attitude values all aspects of the smell of a lover, while the second only finds it important that the lover does not smell badly. Odor awareness is related only to the first of these attitudes.
Implications: These findings suggest that odor awareness accounts for some of the attitudes concerning the value of odors in mate selection, but not all of them. Other factors, such as the need to avoid aversive stimuli, may also contribute to the relative importance of olfaction in selecting a partner.
Older age was correlated to better scores on each of the four financial decision‐making measures, and has more experience‐based knowledge, & less negative emotions about financial decisions (both of which are particularly helpful for better financial decision-making)
Age differences in financial decision making: The benefits of more experience and less negative emotions. Wiebke Eberhardt, Wändi Bruine de Bruin, JoNell Strough. Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, https://doi.org/10.1002/bdm.2097
Abstract: The emerging literature on aging and decision making posits that decision‐making competence changes with age, as a result of age differences in various cognitive and noncognitive individual‐differences characteristics. In a national life‐span sample from the United Kingdom (N = 926), we examined age differences in financial decisions, including performance measures of sunk cost and credit card repayment decisions, and self‐report measures of money management and financial decision outcomes. Participants also completed four individual‐differences characteristics that have been proposed as relevant to financial decision making, including two cognitive ones (numeracy and experience‐based knowledge) and two noncognitive ones (negative emotions about financial decisions). First, we examined how age was related to the four financial decision‐making measures and the four individual‐differences characteristics. Older age was correlated to better scores on each of the four financial decision‐making measures, more experience‐based knowledge, less negative emotions about financial decisions, whereas numeracy and motivation were not significantly correlated with age. Second, we found that considering both the two cognitive and the two noncognitive individual‐differences characteristics increased predictions of financial decision making, as compared with considering either alone. Third, we examined how these four individual‐differences characteristics contributed to age differences in financial decision making. Older adults' higher levels of experience‐based knowledge and lower levels of negative emotions seemed to especially benefit their financial decision making. We discuss implications for theories on aging and decision making, as well as for interventions targeting financial decisions.
Abstract: The emerging literature on aging and decision making posits that decision‐making competence changes with age, as a result of age differences in various cognitive and noncognitive individual‐differences characteristics. In a national life‐span sample from the United Kingdom (N = 926), we examined age differences in financial decisions, including performance measures of sunk cost and credit card repayment decisions, and self‐report measures of money management and financial decision outcomes. Participants also completed four individual‐differences characteristics that have been proposed as relevant to financial decision making, including two cognitive ones (numeracy and experience‐based knowledge) and two noncognitive ones (negative emotions about financial decisions). First, we examined how age was related to the four financial decision‐making measures and the four individual‐differences characteristics. Older age was correlated to better scores on each of the four financial decision‐making measures, more experience‐based knowledge, less negative emotions about financial decisions, whereas numeracy and motivation were not significantly correlated with age. Second, we found that considering both the two cognitive and the two noncognitive individual‐differences characteristics increased predictions of financial decision making, as compared with considering either alone. Third, we examined how these four individual‐differences characteristics contributed to age differences in financial decision making. Older adults' higher levels of experience‐based knowledge and lower levels of negative emotions seemed to especially benefit their financial decision making. We discuss implications for theories on aging and decision making, as well as for interventions targeting financial decisions.
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