Conservative and Republican women and men are thus less likely to report more severe forms of Sexual Harassment and Assault, which may explain differences in beliefs on these issues

Political Differences in American Reports of Sexual Harassment and Assault. Rupa Jose, James H. Fowler, Anita Raj. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, March 22, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260519835003

Abstract: Political ideology has been linked to beliefs regarding sexual harassment and assault (SH&A). Using data from the January 2018 Stop Street Sexual Harassment online poll (N = 2,009), this study examined associations of political identity and political ideology with self-reported experiences of being the victim of SH&A. SH&A experiences were coded into four mutually exclusive groups: none, non-physically aggressive harassment, physically aggressive harassment, or sexual assault. Sex-stratified logistic regression models assessed associations of interest, adjusting for participant demographics. Among women, more conservative political ideology was negatively associated with reports of sexual assault, odds ratio (OR) = 0.85, 95% confidence interval (CI) = [0.74, 0.98]. Among males, more conservative political ideology was negatively associated with reports of physically aggressive sexual harassment (OR = 0.85, 95% CI = [0.73, 0.98]), and greater Republican affiliation was negatively associated with reports of sexual assault (OR = 0.82, 95% CI = [0.68, 0.99]). Conservative and Republican women and men are thus less likely to report more severe forms of SH&A, which may explain differences in beliefs on these issues. Research is needed to determine if political differences are due to reporting biases or differential vulnerabilities.

Keywords: political party, political orientation, gender, sexual harassment, sexual violence

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Discussion
Our results indicate that Republicans and conservatives are generally less likely to report having experienced more severe forms of sexual harassment, but more likely to report non-physically aggressive forms of harassment compared with persons with different political identities or ideologies, adjusting for relevant controls. These findings parallel poll data on reported sexual harassment by political party, where Republicans are less likely to endorse general sexual harassment compared with Democrats or Independents (Graf, 2018; Quinnipiac University, 2017). However, distinct from poll data, our results showed that political identity and ideology had differential relationships with sexual harassment or assault depending on the type experienced (i.e., non-physically aggressive harassment, physically aggressive harassment, and sexual assault) and respondent gender. Results indicated that Republicans were more likely to report non-physically aggressive harassment if female and less likely to report physically aggressive harassment if male; all Republicans irrespective of gender were less likely to report sexual assault (vs. Democrats or Independents). Conservatives were likewise less likely to report sexual assault if female and less likely to report physically aggressive harassment if male (vs. liberals or moderates). To determine the political driver of harassment or assault  reporting, both political identity and ideology were included in the same model. Political ideology explained the reduced reporting of female sexual assault and male physically aggressive harassment, and political identity explained the reduced reporting of male sexual assault.

Our findings suggest that political identity and ideology, though related, are not the same. Political identity in fact had a unique effect on female nonphysically aggressive harassment and male sexual assault. In addition, with the exception of female non-physically aggressive harassment, Republican identity and politically conservative ideals were associated with a decreased chance of reporting sexual harassment and or assault. A few explanations exist as to why this might be the case. One possibility is that there may be bias in reports of experiences of harassment or assault due to the social desirability of fitting in with the perceived social views of fellow partisans (Streb, Burrell, Frederick, & Genovese, 2008). The desire to conform, be obedient, loyal, follow with tradition, and have ties to people who hold similar beliefs is more characteristic of political conservatives than liberals (Jost, van der Linden, Panagopoulos, & Hardin, 2018). This deep-set “tribe” mentality could result in conservatives or Republicans underreporting sexual violence, as acknowledgment could be disruptive to their world views and relationships. A second possibility is that political membership and ideology differences may translate to differences in awareness of more ubiquitous forms of sexual harassment (e.g., derogatory name calling) and or differences in reporting acceptance or stigma. Polling data suggest that Democrats are more willing to enforce punitive policies toward perpetrators of sexual harassment, advocate for female victims, and reflect on their own behavior toward women following recent stories about sexual harassment when compared to Republicans (Dann, 2017; Graf, 2018; Kurtzleben, 2017). To the extent that these attitudes reflect that of the larger political base, Democrats may be more comfortable in their reporting of sexual victimization compared to Republicans due to feelings of perceived group support. A third possibility is that liberals and Democrats are in fact more vulnerable to sexual harassment and assault. In a meta-analytic review, political conservatism was found to be negatively associated with openness to experience and tolerance for uncertainty but positively associated with a need for order, structure, and closure (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). Risk perception research also finds that conservatives and Republicans are less risk-accepting than liberals and Democrats (Kam & Simas, 2010). This suggests that the environments that liberals and conservatives navigate day-to-day, and how they do so, can be different in their risk for unwanted sexual advances and contact. More research is needed to understand how political identity and political ideology influence how men and women behave socially and perceive member disclosure of sexual harassment and or assault.

Responses in the aftermath of sexual harassment or assault also indicate political differences, with Republicans less likely to change their route or routine compared with non-Republicans (irrespective of gender). Republican men also are more likely to stop a hobby or group activity but less likely to end a relationship or seek medical help compared with non-Republican men. These differences suggest that Republicans, especially Republican men, are less likely to make changes to their everyday lives or personal lives in the aftermath of abuse. In fact, except for their tendency to withdraw from extracurricular obligations, Republican men appear to carry on with “life as usual.” The lack of reported change for victimized Republican men may be a consequence of the type or reduced severity of victimization experienced, biased reporting due to self-enhancement tendencies (Wojcik, Hovasapian, Graham, Motyl, & Ditto, 2015), the types of responses assessed, or true differences in preferred behavioral practices following sexual harassment or assault. Future research is needed to better ascertain the robustness and causal mechanisms underlying these findings. Also, in light of the modern political landscape, these results suggest that more effort should be made by current leaders to include men and women, Republicans and Democrats, and liberals and conservatives in discussions about sexual harassment and violence legislation. Hearing from those at a heightened risk for sexual victimization can result in more effective and inclusive solutions to the national problem of sexual
harassment and assault (Paxton, Kunovich, & Hughes, 2007). Consistent with prior studies, we found that females, persons with a disability, and ethnic minorities (Hispanics) are more likely to report physically aggressive harassment and or sexual assault than their respective counterparts (Graf, 2018; Kearl, 2014, 2018; Martin et al., 2006; Rospenda et al., 2009). Age was found to have a curvilinear effect on female reports of sexual assault and male reports of physically aggressive harassment such that reporting increased into middle age and then declined. Non-linear age trends in tolerance for sexual harassment have been reported with young women being less tolerant than older women of sexual harassment (Ford & Donis, 1996). Age effects in reported sexual victimization may be linked to age-related differences in tolerance for sexual harassment.

Limitations exist due to the structure and specificity of our data. The cross-sectional nature of our data prohibited us from examining how political differences influenced reports of harassment or assault over time and vice versa. Political identity and ideology are not fixed attributes and can change in response to experiences of sexual victimization. Longitudinal data are required to determine the casual pathway between political identity or ideology and sexual harassment or assault. We also did not have any information regarding the severity or frequency of the reported harassment or assault. Our categorization of sexual harassment into harassment (not physically aggressive), physically aggressive harassment, and sexual assault nevertheless does provide meaningful groupings for analyses; an improvement to standard practices and a means to promote definitional clarity and loosely approximate severity. For behavioral reactions or responses assessed in relation to a “sexually harassing or abusive experience,” details regarding the incident itself remain unknown (e.g., harassment/abuse type and recency). We were thus unable to examine differences in reactions by harassment type and or generational effects. All data were self-report and therefore subject to participant reporting bias or memory inaccuracies. Data collection also occurred at two time points 4 days apart and did not include a lifetime exposure to violence measure. It is recommended that surveys on sexual harassment and assault be administered at a single time point and inquire about personal trauma history to improve methodological rigor and better adjust for differences in reporting and reactions to sexual victimization.

Sexual harassment and assault have become a core issue in contemporary society. Fueled by the 2017 #MeToo social media campaign, public discourse surrounding issues of harassment and assault are increasingly common and political. Based on our findings, we note that party differences do in fact arise when considering reporting and responses to sexual harassment and or assault. On average, Republicans and conservatives are less likely to endorse harassment or assault, especially sexual assault, and also less likely to change their behavior, apart from relinquishing hobbies, activities, or group participation, compared with their respective counterparts. These differences are expected to affect bipartisan support for anti-harassment legislation; necessitating the need for future research on sexual harassment to include participant political information. Research efforts should also aim to explore how and why these differences arise as there are no obvious explanations for the noted discrepancy in victimization. Understanding the gap between political groups regarding sexual harassment experiences and responses may help promote a dialogue on the issue and foster national consensus that sexual harassment and assault is not to be tolerated.