Identity as Dependent Variable: Americans Shift Their Identities to Align with Their Politics

Identity as Dependent Variable: How Americans Shift Their Identities to Align with Their Politics. Patrick J. Egan. American Journal of Political Science, December 20 2019. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12496

Abstract: Political science generally treats identities such as ethnicity, religion, and sexuality as “unmoved movers” in the chain of causality. I hypothesize that the growing salience of partisanship and ideology as social identities in the United States, combined with the increasing demographic distinctiveness of the nation's two political coalitions, is leading some Americans to engage in a self‐categorization and depersonalization process in which they shift their identities toward the demographic prototypes of their political groups. Analyses of a representative panel data set that tracks identities and political affiliations over a 4‐year span confirm that small but significant shares of Americans engage in identity switching regarding ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and class that is predicted by partisanship and ideology in their pasts, bringing their identities into alignment with their politics. These findings enrich and complicate our understanding of the relationship between identity and politics and suggest caution in treating identities as unchanging phenomena.

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From the September 10, 2018 version:

Conclusion

These findings yield new insight on the nature of politically salient American identities
and how they can be shaped by the liberal-conservative, Democrat-Republican divide.
Inter-temporal stability varies highly among identities, running from relatively high (for
race, Latino origin and most religions) to moderate (for party identification and some national origins) to low (for most national origins, sexual orientation, and class). Many of the
identities commonly understood to be highly stable can in fact shift over time, and those
who have switched in or will soon switch out of identities make up very large shares of
those identifying as sexual minorities, religious “nones,” and any economic class.
These analyses permit us to see for the first time the extent to which over-time instability in identification is associated with politics, with liberalism and Democratic party
identification predicting shifts toward identification as Latino, lesbian, gay, or bisexual, as
nonreligious, lower class, and claiming national origin associated with being non-white;
and conservatism and Republican party ID yielding movement toward identification as being a member of Protestant faith, and having had an experience as a born-again Christian.
This is no small discovery: many of these identities are at the center of important American
policy debates, and those who claim these identities are key blocs of voters, party activists
and political donors. The data show us how in our era, which is so polarized that political
affiliations become identities in themselves, politics can create and reinforce identities even
thought to be as fixed as racial and ethnic categories. They thus reveal that “social sorting,”
while predominantly the result of individuals changing their politics to align with
their identities, is also due in some part to people shifting their identities to better align
with their politics.
Nearly sixty years ago, the “Michigan school” authors of The American Voter noted that the influence of group membership on political behavior might be overstated, as members of many identity groups often “come to identify with the group on the basis of preexisting beliefs and sympathies.” (Campbell et al 1960, 323). The findings presented here join mounting evidence that this concern was well-placed, and that more rich discoveries await those who continue to make use of powerful tools and data to understand the origins of important identities in American politics.