Abstract: Overconfident people should be surprised that they are so often wrong. Are they? Three studies examined the relationship between confidence and surprise in order to shed light on the psychology of overprecision in judgment. Participants reported ex-ante confidence in their beliefs, and after receiving accuracy feedback, they then reported ex-post surprise. Results show that more ex-ante confidence produces less ex-post surprise for correct answers; this relationship reverses for incorrect answers. However, this sensible pattern only holds for some measures of confidence; it fails for confidence-interval measures. The results can help explain the robust durability of overprecision in judgment.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
Our results show that ex-ante confidence and ex-post surprise are inextricably
linked. Our primary finding is that when people are correct, greater ex-ante confidence
produces less ex-post surprise, whereas when they are incorrect, greater ex-ante confidence
produces more ex-post surprise. We examine the psychology underlying these relationships and identify moderators that can either suppress or enhance their strength. Studies 1 and 2
establish the link between confidence and surprise, highlighting that correctness is a
powerful moderator of the relationship. Studies 2 and 3 employ exogenous manipulations
of confidence; their results replicate the correlational results of Study 1. Study 2 finds more
powerful confidence-correctness interaction effects on surprise for epistemic questions than
for aleatory, consistent with the notion that feeling personally accountable for knowing or
not knowing the answer increases the intensity of emotional reactions to being right or
wrong. Study 3 finds that people are more surprised about being wrong than they expect to
be.
What of the utility of surprise? If surprise reflects prediction error, individuals
should seek to maximize accuracy and minimize surprise (Ely, Frankel, & Kamenica, 2015).
This implies that surprise should lead people to reduce their subsequent confidence. Our
results suggest that surprise does not always play this functional role, or that it is difficult to
measure consistently. Future research should examine the conditions under which surprise
has a corrective effect on subsequent confidence. How quickly does this effect decay and
what possible moderators could increase the calibrating power and longevity of feedback on
subsequent confidence? Could incorrect answers in epistemic domains more central to
one’s self-concept ‘stick’ for a longer period of time, forcing one’s re-evaluation of their
believed expertise? Or could the opposite be the case, where the incorrect answer is
considered anomalous and the sense of expertise persists?
We aspired to measure the effects of overprecision on surprise. In recording
participants’ ex-ante confidence, their correctness, and their ex-post surprise, we document
consistent evidence suggesting that people expect to be correct. If they go into a decision with confidence, they are more surprised to be incorrect, and less surprised when correct.
We believe these results do more than underscore precision in judgment. Rather, this
research approaches the topic with a new paradigm that serves to reveal another layer in the
scientific understanding of the psychology of confidence and precision in judgment.
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