What is the expected human childhood? Insights from evolutionary anthropology. Willem E. Frankenhuis and Dorsa Amir. Development and Psychopathology (2021), 1–25, Dec 2021. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954579421001401
Abstract: In psychological research, there are often assumptions about the conditions that children expect to encounter during their development. These assumptions shape prevailing ideas about the experiences that children are capable of adjusting to, and whether their responses are viewed as impairments or adaptations. Specifically, the expected childhood is often depicted as nurturing and safe, and characterized by high levels of caregiver investment. Here, we synthesize evidence from history, anthropology, and primatology to challenge this view. We integrate the findings of systematic reviews, meta-analyses, and cross-cultural investigations on three forms of threat (infanticide, violent conflict, and predation) and three forms of deprivation (social, cognitive, and nutritional) that children have faced throughout human evolution. Our results show that mean levels of threat and deprivation were higher than is typical in industrialized societies, and that our species has experienced much variation in the levels of these adversities across space and time. These conditions likely favored a high degree of phenotypic plasticity, or the ability to tailor development to different conditions. This body of evidence has implications for recognizing developmental adaptations to adversity, for cultural variation in responses to adverse experiences, and for definitions of adversity and deprivation as deviation from the expected human childhood.
Keywords: dimensions of adversity; expected childhood; human evolution; deprivation; threat
5. Associations between dimensions of adversity
We have argued that, over evolutionary time, human infants and
children have on average been exposed to higher levels of threat
and nutritional deprivation than is typical in industrialized
societies, and that because these levels were variable over time
and space, natural selection has likely favored phenotypic plasticity. In this section, we explore the co-occurrence of different forms
of adversities within lifetimes during human evolution. Were individuals who were exposed to higher levels of threat also exposed to
higher levels of deprivation and vice versa?
What do we know about adversity co-occurrence?
In contemporary industrialized (WEIRD) societies, correlations
between different forms of adversity are consistently small to moderate (Dong et al., 2004; Finkelhor et al., 2007; Green et al., 2010;
Matsumoto et al., 2020; McLaughlin et al., 2012; McLaughlin et al.,
2021; Smith & Pollak, 2021a), though which forms of adversity
cluster together is inconsistent across studies (Jacobs et al.,
2012). The existence of correlations among forms of adversity is
not surprising. For instance, receiving lower levels of parental
investment implies being less protected, thus increasing vulnerability to threats (Callaghan & Tottenham, 2016; Hanson &
Nacewicz, 2021); and, low-quality nutrition increases vulnerability
to infectious disease (Katona & Katona-Apte, 2008). Consistent
with such dependencies are findings showing that children who
experience energy sufficiency but receive low levels of parental care
tend to mature faster and toward more adult-like functioning in
physiological and neurobiological processes related to fear and
stress (Callaghan & Tottenham, 2016; Gee et al., 2013; Gee,
2020; Tooley et al., 2021; see also Belsky et al., 1991; Ellis et al.,
2009). Recent evidence suggests that such reprioritization may
even be passed down to subsequent generations. For instance,
babies of mothers who experienced neglect as children might
become predisposed to detecting threat in their environment
(Hendrix et al., 2020). It is tempting to speculate that natural selection favored this developmental response – which takes one form
of adversity (neglect) as input to adapt to another (threat) –
because deprivation and threat were correlated in human
evolution.
Nonetheless, we urge researchers to be cautious. First, a meta-analysis and systematic review shows that exposure to threat (e.g.,
violence) is associated with accelerated maturation in humans,
whereas exposure to deprivation (e.g., neglect) is not (Colich
et al., 2020). Second, there is evidence suggesting that correlations
between threat and deprivation do not generalize across primates.
For instance, in a longitudinal study of wild baboons, the correlations between different forms of adversity were weak or even
absent (Snyder-Mackler et al., 2020; Tung et al., 2016). Third,
the evidence basis on correlations between different forms of
adversity in both historical and contemporary non-WEIRD societies is too limited to afford confident conclusions. Fourth, because
human social organization and provisioning systems are highly
flexible, our species may have evolved sensitivity to a broader range
of social cues than other primates (Kuzawa & Bragg, 2012), and the
correlations between such cues and forms of adversity likely varied
by cultural context (see Section 6).
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