Recognition of Masked Faces in the Era of the Pandemic: No Improvement Despite Extensive Natural Exposure. Erez Freud et al. Psychological Science, September 12, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1177/09567976221105459
Abstract: Face masks, which became prevalent across the globe during the COVID-19 pandemic, have had a negative impact on face recognition despite the availability of critical information from uncovered face parts, especially the eyes. An outstanding question is whether face-mask effects would be attenuated following extended natural exposure. This question also pertains, more generally, to face-recognition training protocols. We used the Cambridge Face Memory Test in a cross-sectional study (N = 1,732 adults) at six different time points over a 20-month period, alongside a 12-month longitudinal study (N = 208). The results of the experiments revealed persistent deficits in recognition of masked faces and no sign of improvement across time points. Additional experiments verified that the amount of individual experience with masked faces was not correlated with the mask effect. These findings provide compelling evidence that the face-processing system does not easily adapt to visual changes in face stimuli, even following prolonged real-life exposure.
Wednesday, September 14, 2022
Recognition of Masked Faces in the Era of the Pandemic: No Improvement Despite Extensive Natural Exposure
Face masks were an important tool in the effort to minimize COVID-19 virus transmission (Cheng et al., 2020).
Accordingly, the years 2020 to 2022 provided an unprecedented
opportunity to examine the effects of prolonged and frequent exposure to
occluded faces on recognition abilities. Here, we have documented
persistent quantitative and qualitative alterations in face-processing
abilities for masked versus nonmasked faces, with no evidence of
improvement in the processing of masked faces over time. Using a
combined cross-sectional and longitudinal approach, we found that the
CFMT scores for upright faces decreased by approximately 15% when masks
were added to the faces. This reduction remained statistically constant
across 20 months, a period of extensive exposure to masked faces. This
finding suggests that the matured face-processing system did not benefit
from the prolonged exposure. Additional experiments and analyses
confirmed and extended this conclusion and showed that the consistent
decrement in face processing of masked faces was evident even when
individual differences in exposure to these faces were considered.
Another
key finding is the consistent and robust reduction of the
face-inversion effect for masked faces across all time points. In
particular, the inversion effect was roughly 43% smaller for masked
faces. The inversion effect is suggested to reflect difficulties
extracting the configural relationships between face parts (Farah et al., 1995; Freire et al., 2000).
Hence, the smaller inversion effect for masked faces may be taken as
evidence that holistic processing is largely reduced (although not
entirely abolished). This qualitative change in the processing of masked
faces was consistent across time points, providing additional evidence
for the rigidity of the matured face-processing system.
The
consistent effect of masks across time points could reflect the
rigidity of the matured face-processing system. In particular, face
perception rapidly develops in infancy but is then subject to a
prolonged developmental trajectory (Pascalis et al., 2011, 2020). In early childhood, face processing is shaped by experience with other faces (Bate et al., 2020). One of the best examples of this malleability comes from the other-race effect, which is evident early in life (Kelly et al., 2009) but could be reversed or disappear if a child is regularly exposed to other-race faces (De Heering et al., 2010; Sangrigoli et al., 2005). In contrast, in adulthood, face-processing mechanisms are already in place and are less likely to be affected by experience (Pascalis et al., 2020; White, Kemp, Jenkins, Matheson, & Burton, 2014; Yovel et al., 2012).
Here, we show that even extensive, naturalistic exposure to masked
faces is not sufficient to facilitate the recognition of these faces,
even though the eyes region, which is disproportionally critical for
face recognition (Butler et al., 2010; Caldara et al., 2005; Royer et al., 2018; Tardif et al., 2019), remains uncovered.
An
additional account for the lack of improvement in recognizing masked
faces relates to the nature of the interaction. One can argue that mere
exposure to masked unfamiliar faces may not suffice to revamp
face-processing mechanisms. However, we note that daily encounters with
masked people typically include more than just passive viewing. For
example, in the grocery store, a person may need to identify their
neighbor or their preferred cashier. An office worker needs to recognize
peers and customers. Parents who pick up their children from school
interact with other parents, children, and teachers. Hence, daily
experiences provide a rich arena of exposures and the need to recognize
masked faces. Yet our data suggest that such naturalistic exposures and
interactions might be insufficient in eliciting adaptation of the
face-processing system. A more refined view is that improvement in
face-processing abilities in adulthood depends on deliberate, systematic
training programs and does not rely on naturalistic exposure. This view
is supported by recent studies that show effects of systematic training
programs that include individuation tasks (McGugin et al., 2011; Yovel et al., 2012) and ongoing feedback (White, Kemp, Jenkins, & Burton, 2014). Note, however, that even these systematic training programs bring only very moderate improvement in face recognition.
The
results could also be attributed to another intriguing possible
mechanism; the current situation may be part of a vicious circle, one
that reduces the chances to improve. On the one hand, there is massive
exposure to masked faces, which, in many cases, require effective
recognition. On the other hand, however, people have the chance to meet
and to encounter nonmasked people in the privacy of their homes or via
electronic media. It is possible, therefore, that such a hybrid state of
affairs provides the system with a convenient escape from effectively
dealing with masked faces. In other words, the current situation may
limit the system’s ability to adapt, even in the face of a clear need to
do so. This proposed mechanism could account for the lack of
improvement that we report (almost) 2 years into the pandemic. An
intriguing question is for how long such lack of improvement could
persist. This, of course, depends on the extent and length of the
pandemic.
Finally, the observed limited
malleability of the matured face-processing system raises important
questions about the ability of children to improve in recognizing masked
faces. A recent study reported that in school-age children, masks
hinder face-processing ability to a similar or even greater extent
compared with adults (Stajduhar et al., 2022).
Whether children exhibit improved masked-face recognition following
prolonged exposure to masked faces in everyday life remains to be
determined.
The
current investigation is timely and unique and benefits from the large
sample size and combination of approaches. However, there are still
important limitations that should be addressed in future studies. First,
although the CFMT is a reliable test that has been used extensively
over the past two decades (Bobak et al., 2016; Russell et al., 2009),
the faces included in this test are all Caucasian men. Given the gender
effect observed in our data as well as by other groups (Bobak et al., 2016), it is important to examine the reported effects using other, more diverse tests (Scherf et al., 2017).
Another concern regards the ecological validity of the CFMT.
Specifically, external face cues, which are important for real-life face
recognition, are not available in this test. This concern might be more
detrimental in the case of masked faces. However, it is important to
note that previous studies reported correlations between CFMT scores and
subjective reports of face-recognition abilities (Shah, Gaule, et al., 2015), between the CFMT and other measurements of face-processing abilities (DeGutis et al., 2013; Russell et al., 2009), and, most importantly, between CFMT scores and naturalistic assessments of face-perception abilities (Balas & Saville, 2017).
It is also worth noting that previous studies demonstrated the
existence of the mask effect for other test and image sets, including
the GFMT (Carragher & Hancock, 2020; see also the control experiment described above) and the Karolinska Directed Emotional Faces (Marini et al., 2021), in which external face cues are preserved.
The
concern regarding ecological validity also applies to the absence of
other cues that might facilitate person recognition, such as motion,
voice, and body shape. Importantly, however, it is established that
faces play a superior role in person recognition even when other cues
are available (Hahn et al., 2016). This is demonstrated in cases of prosopagnosia, which is experienced in daily life even when all cues are available.
Another
limitation of the current image set (as well as other image sets used
in previous studies) is that the masks were added to existing pictures
in an artificial manner. This might lead to an omission of face shape
cues that are normally available and plausibly critical for recognizing
masked faces in naturalistic settings. Although we cannot rule out the
detrimental effect of the artificial mask on face perception, a recent
study by Marini and colleagues (2021) demonstrated the existence of a
mask effect even for transparent masks that reveal important cues from
the lower part of the face. Hence, it is unlikely that the mask effect
observed here, especially the lack of improvement in face perception for
masked faces, is solely due to the nature of the stimuli.
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