Disgust sensitivity relates to attitudes toward gay men and lesbian women across 31 nations. Florian van Leeuwen et al. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, March 26, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302211067151
Abstract: Previous work has reported a relation between pathogen-avoidance motivations and prejudice toward various social groups, including gay men and lesbian women. It is currently unknown whether this association is present across cultures, or specific to North America. Analyses of survey data from adult heterosexuals (N = 11,200) from 31 countries showed a small relation between pathogen disgust sensitivity (an individual-difference measure of pathogen-avoidance motivations) and measures of antigay attitudes. Analyses also showed that pathogen disgust sensitivity relates not only to antipathy toward gay men and lesbians, but also to negativity toward other groups, in particular those associated with violations of traditional sexual norms (e.g., prostitutes). These results suggest that the association between pathogen-avoidance motivations and antigay attitudes is relatively stable across cultures and is a manifestation of a more general relation between pathogen-avoidance motivations and prejudice towards groups associated with sexual norm violations.
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Relation between pathogen-avoidance motivations and prejudice toward gay men and women is present in 31 nations
We
examined the relation between pathogen avoidance and antigay attitudes
in a large sample of heterosexual adults across 31 countries. Analyses
showed that pathogen disgust sensitivity related to antigay attitudes
measured by four variables (opposition to gay marriage, opposition to
gay and lesbian sexual orientation, antipathy toward gay men, and
antipathy toward lesbian women), and that these relations were small but
relatively stable across countries. An analysis that explored how the
relation varied across cultural regions showed that it was weakest in
countries with a cultural relation to Britain. Overall, these results
suggest that the relation between pathogen-avoidance motivations and
antigay prejudice does not derive from factors that are particular to
some countries (e.g., stereotypes about gay men specific to North
American populations), but from factors that are relatively stable
across the sampled countries.
Disgust
sensitivity was related to both antipathy toward gay men and lesbian
women, which is not consistent with the notion that the relation results
from the association of gay men with anal intercourse (Kiss et al., 2020).
In addition, the analysis revealed that pathogen disgust sensitivity
was also related to antipathy toward other groups, in particular
prostitutes, sexually promiscuous people, and atheists. A decomposition
analysis showed that the relation between disgust sensitivity and
antigay prejudice could be mostly accounted for by the relation between
disgust sensitivity and antipathy toward these other groups. The
correlation between disgust sensitivity and antigay prejudice could not
be accounted for by prejudice toward politicians and lawyers, suggesting
that the relation was not driven by prejudice toward groups associated
with violations of cooperative norms. In addition, the results were only
partially consistent with the notion that disgust sensitivity relates
to negative attitudes toward outgroups in general. On the one hand,
pathogen disgust sensitivity related to prejudice toward all groups
except lawyers. On the other hand, for the four groups that were not
characterized by sexual norm violations, disgust sensitivity showed
relatively small relations with prejudice, and only attitudes toward
atheists could account for a substantial part of the association between
disgust sensitivity and antigay prejudice. In combination with evidence
that prejudice toward atheists might derive from perceptions of
promiscuous sexuality (Moon et al., 2019),
the current findings provide little support for the notion that
pathogen-avoidance motivations relate specifically to antigay prejudice.
Instead, they suggest that pathogen-avoidance motivations relate more
broadly to prejudice toward groups associated with sexual norm
violations (Crawford et al., 2014).
We
note four limitations that should be taken into account when
interpreting these results. First, the current study did not assess the
degree to which participants associated gay men and lesbian women with
violations of sexual, nonsexual, traditional, or religious norms.
Research on opposition to gay marriage suggests that in the US, antigay
attitudes vary as a function of associating gay men and lesbian women
with violating sexual norms (Pinsof & Haselton, 2016, 2017).
The study did, however, include measures of prejudice toward
prostitutes and sexually promiscuous individuals who, by definition,
depart from heterosexual monogamy. Recent work suggests that negative
sentiments toward atheists might also stem from perceptions of
promiscuous sexuality (see Moon et al., 2019).
In addition, research has reported that sexual prejudice could result
from a variety of threats (e.g., loss of status, child development; Pirlott & Cook, 2018), including perceptions of unwanted sexual interest (Pirlott & Neuberg, 2014).
Future research may explore how to efficiently measure the extent to
which individuals associate a target group (e.g., gay men) with this
variety of threats.
Second, for some of the
countries, the sampling methods resulted in samples that were more
positive toward gay and lesbian sexual orientation relative to their
population. For example, in the US sample, 86% of participants indicated
that society should accept gay and lesbian sexual orientation, whereas a
2013 Pew survey estimated that 60% of the U.S. population felt this way
(Pew Research Center, 2013).
Similarly, in the Japanese sample, 79% of participants indicated that
society should accept gay and lesbian sexual orientation, whereas only
54% did in the 2013 Pew survey. (That said, there was a strong
nation-level correlation between estimates from the 18 nations sampled
here and those obtained by Pew’s representative sampling, r =
.83.) Reduced variation in antigay attitudes might have attenuated
relations between antigay attitudes and the predictor variables. The
reduced variation in antigay attitudes may also have resulted in
underestimating the cross-cultural variation in the relation between
disgust sensitivity and antigay attitudes. Assuming that university
communities (which were oversampled) are less variable across nations
than are representative samples, the current study could have
underestimated cross-cultural variation. Future studies using more
ideologically diverse samples might reveal stronger associations between
antigay attitudes and disgust sensitivity, and more cross-cultural
variation in this relation.
Third, because
the study was designed for data collection with a large and culturally
diverse sample, it used a small number of self-report items that might
be vulnerable to self-presentation biases. Further, attitudes toward
each group were measured with single-item feeling thermometers. Although
feeling thermometers are widely used measures of prejudice, single-item
measures likely have lower reliability than multi-item measures. This
low reliability is likely to have attenuated the observed effect sizes.
In addition, the study included only four feeling thermometers for
groups not characterized by sexual behavior. We included the same groups
in all countries and assumed that, across cultures, people would
associate politicians and lawyers with violating cooperative norms.
However, it is possible that in some countries, these groups were not
associated with violating cooperative norms. Furthermore, the survey
included no measures of prejudice toward foreign or ethnic outgroups.
Hence, the current results are mute on the issue of whether the relation
between pathogen-avoidance motivations and antigay prejudice can be
accounted for by prejudice toward foreign or ethnic outgroups. Extant
research on this issue is mixed. Some work suggests that
pathogen-avoidance motivations relate to both sexual prejudice and
racial prejudice (Kam & Estes, 2016), while some studies suggest there is a unique relation with sexual prejudice (Inbar et al., 2012; Tapias et al., 2007).
Note, however, that recent work has specifically tested the
outgroup-avoidance perspective—by assessing the relation between
pathogen-avoidance motivations and prejudice toward different kinds of
immigrants—and suggests that pathogen avoidance does not relate to
prejudice toward foreign immigrants in general, but motivates negative
sentiments specifically toward foreign immigrants who do not assimilate
to local norms (Karinen et al., 2019).
The
fourth limitation is related to the measurement of individual
differences in pathogen-avoidance motivations. The current study used a
measure of pathogen disgust sensitivity. While pathogen cues are typical
elicitors of disgust, disgust is also evoked by stimuli with little
pathogen-relevant information value, such as high-risk or low-value
sexual behaviors (e.g., sex with strangers, incest), and violations of
moral norms (Tybur et al., 2009, 2013).
Thus, individuals vary not only in their tendencies to feel disgust
toward pathogen cues (i.e., pathogen disgust sensitivity), but also
toward sexual behaviors (i.e., sexual disgust sensitivity) and moral
violations (i.e., moral disgust sensitivity). In addition, pathogen,
sexual, and moral disgust sensitivity are correlated (Tybur et al., 2009),
meaning that the relation between disgust sensitivity and prejudice
toward groups associated with violating sexual norms might result from
overlap between pathogen disgust sensitivity and sexual and/or moral
disgust sensitivity. The survey did not include items measuring sexual
or moral disgust sensitivity and was not able to control for these
variables. To address this issue, we performed a reanalysis of data of
an unpublished study by van Leeuwen et al. (2016) with participants from the USA (n = 462), Brazil (n = 485), South Africa (n = 481), and China (n
= 450). These data included items for pathogen, sexual, and moral
disgust sensitivity, and items for antigay attitudes. Multilevel
regression analysis showed that both pathogen disgust sensitivity (b = 0.45, 95% CI [0.18, 0.72]) and sexual disgust sensitivity (b
= 0.90, 95% CI [0.65, 1.14]) related to stronger antigay attitudes,
while moral disgust sensitivity related to more progay attitudes (b
= −1.38, 95% CI [−1.72, −1.03]). Furthermore, the correlation with
pathogen disgust sensitivity did not differ from zero when controlling
for sexual disgust sensitivity (b = 0.02, 95% CI [−0.27, 0.31]), but did differ from zero when controlling for both sexual and moral disgust sensitivity (b = 0.38, 95% CI [0.08, 0.68]). (For details, see supplemental analysis S18.)
In short, the relation between pathogen disgust sensitivity and antigay
attitudes could not be accounted for by moral disgust sensitivity.
While sexual disgust sensitivity was also related to antigay attitudes,
these data did not clearly show whether sexual disgust sensitivity
entirely or partially accounts for the relation between pathogen disgust
sensitivity and antigay attitudes.
The
current findings suggest at least three avenues for further research.
As mentioned before, several explanations for the relation between
pathogen-avoidance motivations and prejudice towards groups that violate
sexual norms have been proposed. Some of these assume that aversion to
sexual norm violations functions to reduce the infection risk posed by
those perceived as sexually promiscuous. Consistent with this
possibility, recent modeling work suggests that, when sexually
transmitted infections are endemic, a reproductive strategy of punitive
monogamy (i.e., a strategy that combines serial monogamy with punishment
of those who are polygynous) performs better than a polygynous
reproductive strategy (Bauch & McElreath, 2016).
Future research might examine whether the relation between
pathogen-avoidance motivation and prejudice towards groups associated
with sexual norm violations is tailored specifically to avoiding
infection by future mates.
Second, the
relation between pathogen avoidance and condemnation of individuals who
are perceived to be promiscuous could exist because people who are more
disgust sensitive tend to have more monogamous mating strategies, and
therefore attempt to reduce others’ sexual promiscuity (Tybur et al., 2015).
Monogamous mating protects against the infection risk posed by intimate
contact (sexual or otherwise) with multiple conspecifics, so more
pathogen-avoidant individuals might favor such strategies. In turn, a
monogamous mating strategy poses the risks of cuckoldry and abandonment,
which can be averted by promoting and enforcing norms of monogamy (Pinsof & Haselton, 2016).
Some existing work is consistent with this idea. Pathogen disgust
sensitivity correlates positively with sexual disgust sensitivity—a
measure of aversion to sexual activity outside of a pair bond (Tybur et al., 2009). Pathogen disgust sensitivity correlates negatively with number of past sexual partners (Gruijters et al., 2016) and sociosexual orientation (Tybur et al., 2015). Germ aversion—another measure of pathogen-avoidance motivations—is also related to a monogamous orientation (Duncan et al., 2009; Gruijters et al., 2016; Murray et al., 2013). However, some recent findings are inconsistent with the sexual strategies account. Aarøe et al. (2020)
found that sociosexual orientation did not mediate the relation between
disgust sensitivity and political ideology, and at least two studies
have reported no relation between pathogen disgust sensitivity and
openness to casual sex (Al-Shawaf et al., 2015; O’Shea et al., 2019).
Further research might examine the magnitude, causal direction, and
cross-cultural stability of the association between pathogen avoidance
and mating strategies.
Third, as mentioned before, sexual prejudice can be partly explained in terms of perceived unwanted sexual interest (Pirlott & Neuberg, 2014).
The current study observed substantial and cross-culturally stable
relations between participant sex and antipathy toward gay men and
lesbian women. This sex difference is consistent with previous reports
of stronger antigay prejudice among men than women (Bettinsoli et al., 2019; Kite & Whitley, 1996).
At the same time, men showed less antipathy toward prostitutes and
sexually promiscuous people. Further research might examine whether
these sex differences can be explained in terms of unwanted sexual
interest or are related to other causes.
Finally,
these findings suggest two directions for efforts to reduce antigay
prejudice. First, the relation between pathogen-avoidance motivations
and antigay prejudice seems small in comparison to the effects of other
factors such as participant sex and traditionalism. Even though the
current findings are consistent with previous work showing a relation
between pathogen-avoidance motivations and sexual prejudice, they also
suggest that the size of this relation is small. Hence, if causal
relations exist, reductions in pathogen-avoidance motivations would lead
to only modest reductions in sexual prejudice.
Second,
motivations to avoid infection do not seem related to unique features
of gay men or lesbian women. Rather, this association is common with
other groups associated with sexual norm violations. As condemnation of
nonmonogamous individuals seems substantially influenced by processes
unrelated to pathogen avoidance (e.g., Pinsof & Haselton, 2016),
a focus on monogamy might be more effective. Perhaps antigay prejudice
might be reduced by highlighting the prevalence of pair bonding among
gay men and lesbian women.
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