Mislavsky, Robert and Gaertig, Celia, Combining Probability Forecasts: 60% and 60% Is 60%, but Likely and Likely Is Very Likely (September 16, 2019). SSRN: http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3454796
Abstract: How do we combine others’ probability forecasts? Prior research has shown that when advisors provide numeric probability forecasts, people typically average them (i.e., they move closer to the average advisor’s forecast). However, what if the advisors say that an event is “likely” or “probable?” In 7 studies (N = 6,732), we find that people “count” verbal probabilities (i.e., they move closer to certainty than any individual advisor’s forecast). For example, when the advisors both say an event is “likely,” participants will say that it is “very likely.” This effect occurs for both probabilities above and below 50%, for hypothetical scenarios and real events, and when presenting the others’ forecasts simultaneously or sequentially. We also show that this combination strategy carries over to subsequent consumer decisions that rely on advisors’ likelihood judgments. We find inconsistent evidence on whether people are using a counting strategy because they believe that a verbal forecast from an additional advisor provides more new information than a numerical forecast from an additional advisor. We also discuss and rule out several other candidate mechanisms for our effect.
Keywords: uncertainty, forecasting, verbal probabilities, combining judgments, combining forecasts, predictions
Wednesday, October 9, 2019
Higher levels of physical activity (outdoor play & sport participation) were associated with greater white matter microstructure in children; no association was observed between screen time and white matter microstructure
Associations of physical activity and screen time with white matter microstructure in children from the general population. María Rodriguez-Ayllon et al. NeuroImage, October 9 2019, 116258. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2019.116258
Highlights
• Higher levels of physical activity were associated with greater white matter microstructure in children.
• Outdoor play and sport participation were specifically related to white matter microstructure.
• No association was observed between screen time and white matter microstructure.
Abstract: Physical activity and sedentary behaviors have been linked to a variety of general health benefits and problems. However, few studies have examined how physical activity during childhood is related to brain development, with the majority of work to date focusing on cardio-metabolic health. This study examines the association between physical activity and screen time with white matter microstructure in the general pediatric population. In a sample of 2,532 children (10.12 ± 0.58 years; 50.04% boys) from the Generation R Study, a population-based cohort in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, we assessed physical activity and screen time using parent-reported questionnaires. Magnetic resonance imaging of white matter microstructure was conducted using diffusion tensor imaging. Total physical activity was positively associated with global fractional anisotropy (β = 0.057, 95% CI = 0.016, 0.098, p = 0.007) and negatively associated with global mean diffusivity (β = −0.079, 95% CI = −0.120, −0.038, p < 0.001), two commonly derived scalar measures of white matter microstructure. Two components of total physical activity, outdoor play and sport participation, were positively associated with global fractional anisotropy (β = 0.041, 95% CI=(0.000, 0.083), p = 0.047; β = 0.053, 95% CI=(0.010, 0.096), p = 0.015 respectively) and inversely associated with global mean diffusivity (β = −0.074, 95% CI= (−0.114, −0.033), p < 0.001; β = −0.043, 95% CI=(-0.086, 0.000), p = 0.049 respectively). No associations were observed between screen time and white matter microstructure (p > 0.05). This study provides new evidence that physical activity is modestly associated with white matter microstructure in children. In contrast, complementing other recent evidence on cognition, screen time was not associated with white matter microstructure. Causal inferences from these modest associations must be interpreted cautiously in the absence of longitudinal data. However, these data still offer a promising avenue for future work to explore to what extent physical activity may promote healthy white matter development.
Highlights
• Higher levels of physical activity were associated with greater white matter microstructure in children.
• Outdoor play and sport participation were specifically related to white matter microstructure.
• No association was observed between screen time and white matter microstructure.
Abstract: Physical activity and sedentary behaviors have been linked to a variety of general health benefits and problems. However, few studies have examined how physical activity during childhood is related to brain development, with the majority of work to date focusing on cardio-metabolic health. This study examines the association between physical activity and screen time with white matter microstructure in the general pediatric population. In a sample of 2,532 children (10.12 ± 0.58 years; 50.04% boys) from the Generation R Study, a population-based cohort in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, we assessed physical activity and screen time using parent-reported questionnaires. Magnetic resonance imaging of white matter microstructure was conducted using diffusion tensor imaging. Total physical activity was positively associated with global fractional anisotropy (β = 0.057, 95% CI = 0.016, 0.098, p = 0.007) and negatively associated with global mean diffusivity (β = −0.079, 95% CI = −0.120, −0.038, p < 0.001), two commonly derived scalar measures of white matter microstructure. Two components of total physical activity, outdoor play and sport participation, were positively associated with global fractional anisotropy (β = 0.041, 95% CI=(0.000, 0.083), p = 0.047; β = 0.053, 95% CI=(0.010, 0.096), p = 0.015 respectively) and inversely associated with global mean diffusivity (β = −0.074, 95% CI= (−0.114, −0.033), p < 0.001; β = −0.043, 95% CI=(-0.086, 0.000), p = 0.049 respectively). No associations were observed between screen time and white matter microstructure (p > 0.05). This study provides new evidence that physical activity is modestly associated with white matter microstructure in children. In contrast, complementing other recent evidence on cognition, screen time was not associated with white matter microstructure. Causal inferences from these modest associations must be interpreted cautiously in the absence of longitudinal data. However, these data still offer a promising avenue for future work to explore to what extent physical activity may promote healthy white matter development.
Following a prolonged handshake (vs. a normal length or no handshake), participants showed less interactional enjoyment, as indicated by less laughing; also showed anxiety and behavioral freezing
Effects of Handshake Duration on Other Nonverbal Behavior. Emese Nagy et al. Perceptual and Motor Skills, October 8, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0031512519876743
Abstract: Although detailed descriptions of proper handshakes partly comprise many etiquette books, how a normal handshake can be described, its proper duration, and the consequences of violating handshake expectations remain empirically unexplored. This study measured the effect of temporal violations of the expected length of a handshake (less than three seconds according to previous studies) administered unobtrusively in a naturalistic experiment. We compared volunteer participants’ (N = 34; 25 females; 9 males; Mage = 23.76 years, SD = 6.85) nonverbal behavior before and after (a) a prolonged handshake (>3 seconds), (b) a normal length handshake (average length <3 seconds), and (c) a control encounter with no handshake. Frame-by-frame behavioral analyses revealed that, following a prolonged handshake (vs. a normal length or no handshake), participants showed less interactional enjoyment, as indicated by less laughing. They also showed evidence of anxiety and behavioral freezing, indicated by increased hands-on-hands movements, and they showed fewer hands-on-body movements. Normal length handshakes resulted in less subsequent smiling than did prolonged handshakes, but normal length handshakes were also followed by fewer hands-on-face movements than prolonged handshakes. No behavior changes were associated with the no-handshake control condition. We found no differences in participants’ level of empathy or state/trait anxiety related to these conditions. In summary, participants reacted behaviorally to temporal manipulations of handshakes, with relevant implications for interactions in interviews, business, educational, and social settings and for assisting patients with social skills difficulties.
Keywords: behavior, handshake, nonverbal communication, behavioral analysis, phenomenology
Abstract: Although detailed descriptions of proper handshakes partly comprise many etiquette books, how a normal handshake can be described, its proper duration, and the consequences of violating handshake expectations remain empirically unexplored. This study measured the effect of temporal violations of the expected length of a handshake (less than three seconds according to previous studies) administered unobtrusively in a naturalistic experiment. We compared volunteer participants’ (N = 34; 25 females; 9 males; Mage = 23.76 years, SD = 6.85) nonverbal behavior before and after (a) a prolonged handshake (>3 seconds), (b) a normal length handshake (average length <3 seconds), and (c) a control encounter with no handshake. Frame-by-frame behavioral analyses revealed that, following a prolonged handshake (vs. a normal length or no handshake), participants showed less interactional enjoyment, as indicated by less laughing. They also showed evidence of anxiety and behavioral freezing, indicated by increased hands-on-hands movements, and they showed fewer hands-on-body movements. Normal length handshakes resulted in less subsequent smiling than did prolonged handshakes, but normal length handshakes were also followed by fewer hands-on-face movements than prolonged handshakes. No behavior changes were associated with the no-handshake control condition. We found no differences in participants’ level of empathy or state/trait anxiety related to these conditions. In summary, participants reacted behaviorally to temporal manipulations of handshakes, with relevant implications for interactions in interviews, business, educational, and social settings and for assisting patients with social skills difficulties.
Keywords: behavior, handshake, nonverbal communication, behavioral analysis, phenomenology
California income tax 2012 increase of up to 3 pct points for high-income households: Outward migration and behavioral responses by stayers together eroded 45.2% of the windfall tax revenues from the reform
Behavioral Responses to State Income Taxation of High Earners: Evidence from California. Joshua Rauh, Ryan J. Shyu. NBER Working Paper No. 26349, October 2019. https://www.nber.org/papers/w26349
Abstract: Drawing on the universe of California income tax filings and the variation imposed by a 2012 tax increase of up to 3 percentage points for high-income households, we present new findings about the effects of personal income taxation on household location choice and pre-tax income. First, over and above baseline rates of taxpayer departure from California, an additional 0.8% of the California residential tax filing base whose 2012 income would have been in the new top tax bracket moved out from full-year residency of California in 2013, mostly to states with zero income tax. Second, to identify the impact of the California tax policy shift on the pre-tax earnings of high-income California residents, we use as a control group high-earning out-of-state taxpayers who persistently file as California non-residents. Using a differences-in-differences strategy paired with propensity score matching, we estimate an intensive margin elasticity of 2013 income with respect to the marginal net-of-tax rate of 2.5 to 3.3. Among top-bracket California taxpayers, outward migration and behavioral responses by stayers together eroded 45.2% of the windfall tax revenues from the reform.
Abstract: Drawing on the universe of California income tax filings and the variation imposed by a 2012 tax increase of up to 3 percentage points for high-income households, we present new findings about the effects of personal income taxation on household location choice and pre-tax income. First, over and above baseline rates of taxpayer departure from California, an additional 0.8% of the California residential tax filing base whose 2012 income would have been in the new top tax bracket moved out from full-year residency of California in 2013, mostly to states with zero income tax. Second, to identify the impact of the California tax policy shift on the pre-tax earnings of high-income California residents, we use as a control group high-earning out-of-state taxpayers who persistently file as California non-residents. Using a differences-in-differences strategy paired with propensity score matching, we estimate an intensive margin elasticity of 2013 income with respect to the marginal net-of-tax rate of 2.5 to 3.3. Among top-bracket California taxpayers, outward migration and behavioral responses by stayers together eroded 45.2% of the windfall tax revenues from the reform.
Biological systems are fundamentally computational in that they process information in an apparently purposeful fashion rather than just transferring bits of it in a purely syntactical manner
Reflexivity, coding and quantum biology. Peter R Wills. Biosystems, Volume 185, November 2019, 104027. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biosystems.2019.104027
Abstract: Biological systems are fundamentally computational in that they process information in an apparently purposeful fashion rather than just transferring bits of it in a purely syntactical manner. Biological information, such has genetic information stored in DNA sequences, has semantic content. It carries meaning that is defined by the molecular context of its cellular environment. Information processing in biological systems displays an inherent reflexivity, a tendency for the computational information-processing to be “about” the behaviour of the molecules that participate in the computational process. This is most evident in the operation of the genetic code, where the specificity of the reactions catalysed by the aminoacyl-tRNA synthetase (aaRS) enzymes is required to be self-sustaining. A cell’s suite of aaRS enzymes completes a reflexively autocatalytic set of molecular components capable of making themselves through the operation of the code. This set requires the existence of a body of reflexive information to be stored in an organism’s genome. The genetic code is a reflexively self-organised mapping of the chemical properties of amino acid sidechains onto codon “tokens”. It is a highly evolved symbolic system of chemical self-description. Although molecular biological coding is generally portrayed in terms of classical bit-transfer events, various biochemical events explicitly require quantum coherence for their occurrence. Whether the implicit transfer of quantum information, qbits, is indicative of wide-ranging quantum computation in living systems is currently the subject of extensive investigation and speculation in the field of Quantum Biology.
Abstract: Biological systems are fundamentally computational in that they process information in an apparently purposeful fashion rather than just transferring bits of it in a purely syntactical manner. Biological information, such has genetic information stored in DNA sequences, has semantic content. It carries meaning that is defined by the molecular context of its cellular environment. Information processing in biological systems displays an inherent reflexivity, a tendency for the computational information-processing to be “about” the behaviour of the molecules that participate in the computational process. This is most evident in the operation of the genetic code, where the specificity of the reactions catalysed by the aminoacyl-tRNA synthetase (aaRS) enzymes is required to be self-sustaining. A cell’s suite of aaRS enzymes completes a reflexively autocatalytic set of molecular components capable of making themselves through the operation of the code. This set requires the existence of a body of reflexive information to be stored in an organism’s genome. The genetic code is a reflexively self-organised mapping of the chemical properties of amino acid sidechains onto codon “tokens”. It is a highly evolved symbolic system of chemical self-description. Although molecular biological coding is generally portrayed in terms of classical bit-transfer events, various biochemical events explicitly require quantum coherence for their occurrence. Whether the implicit transfer of quantum information, qbits, is indicative of wide-ranging quantum computation in living systems is currently the subject of extensive investigation and speculation in the field of Quantum Biology.
Tuesday, October 8, 2019
Human players/signallers act as coding intermediaries who use lee-way alongside “a small set of arbitrary rules selected from a potentially unlimited number" to "ensure a specific correspondence between two independent worlds"
Wide coding: Tetris, Morse and, perhaps, language. S J Cowley. Biosystems, Volume 185, November 2019, 104025. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biosystems.2019.104025
Abstract
Code biology uses protein synthesis to pursue how living systems fabricate themselves. Weight falls on intermediary systems or adaptors that enable translated DNA to function within a cellular apparatus. Specifically, code intermediaries bridge between independent worlds (e.g. those of RNAs and proteins) to grant functional lee-way to the resulting products. Using this Organic Code (OC) model, the paper draws parallels with how people use artificial codes. As illustrated by Tetris and Morse, human players/signallers manage code functionality by using bodies as (or like) adaptors. They act as coding intermediaries who use lee-way alongside “a small set of arbitrary rules selected from a potentially unlimited number in order to ensure a specific correspondence between two independent worlds” (Barbieri, 2015). As with deep learning, networked bodily systems mesh inputs from a coded past with current inputs.
Received models reduce ‘use’ of codes to a run-time or program like process. They overlook how molecular memory is extended by living apparatuses that link codes with functioning adaptors. In applying the OC model to humans, the paper connects Turing’s (1937) view of thinking to Wilson’s (2004) appeal to wide cognition. The approach opens up a new view of Kirsh and Maglio’s (1994) seminal studies on Tetris. As players use an interface that actualizes a code or program, their goal-directed (i.e. ‘pragmatic’) actions co-occur with adaptor-like ‘filling in’ (i.e. ‘epistemic’ moves). In terms of the OC model, flexible functions derive from, not actions, but epistemic dynamics that arise in the human-interface-computer system. Second, I pursue how a Morse radio operator uses dibs and dabs that enable the workings of an artificial code. While using knowledge (‘the rules’) to resemiotize by tapping on a transmission key, bodily dynamics are controlled by adaptor-like resources. Finally, turning to language, I sketch how the model applies to writing and reading. Like Morse operators, writers resemiotize a code-like domain of alphabets, spelling-systems etc. by acting as (or like) bodily adaptors. Further, in attending to a text-interface (symbolizations), a reader relies on filling-in that is (or feels) epistemic. Given that humans enact or mimic adaptor functions, it is likely that the OC model also applies to multi-modal language.
Abstract
Code biology uses protein synthesis to pursue how living systems fabricate themselves. Weight falls on intermediary systems or adaptors that enable translated DNA to function within a cellular apparatus. Specifically, code intermediaries bridge between independent worlds (e.g. those of RNAs and proteins) to grant functional lee-way to the resulting products. Using this Organic Code (OC) model, the paper draws parallels with how people use artificial codes. As illustrated by Tetris and Morse, human players/signallers manage code functionality by using bodies as (or like) adaptors. They act as coding intermediaries who use lee-way alongside “a small set of arbitrary rules selected from a potentially unlimited number in order to ensure a specific correspondence between two independent worlds” (Barbieri, 2015). As with deep learning, networked bodily systems mesh inputs from a coded past with current inputs.
Received models reduce ‘use’ of codes to a run-time or program like process. They overlook how molecular memory is extended by living apparatuses that link codes with functioning adaptors. In applying the OC model to humans, the paper connects Turing’s (1937) view of thinking to Wilson’s (2004) appeal to wide cognition. The approach opens up a new view of Kirsh and Maglio’s (1994) seminal studies on Tetris. As players use an interface that actualizes a code or program, their goal-directed (i.e. ‘pragmatic’) actions co-occur with adaptor-like ‘filling in’ (i.e. ‘epistemic’ moves). In terms of the OC model, flexible functions derive from, not actions, but epistemic dynamics that arise in the human-interface-computer system. Second, I pursue how a Morse radio operator uses dibs and dabs that enable the workings of an artificial code. While using knowledge (‘the rules’) to resemiotize by tapping on a transmission key, bodily dynamics are controlled by adaptor-like resources. Finally, turning to language, I sketch how the model applies to writing and reading. Like Morse operators, writers resemiotize a code-like domain of alphabets, spelling-systems etc. by acting as (or like) bodily adaptors. Further, in attending to a text-interface (symbolizations), a reader relies on filling-in that is (or feels) epistemic. Given that humans enact or mimic adaptor functions, it is likely that the OC model also applies to multi-modal language.
These results suggest that genetic assortative mating (choosing those that are more like us) may be speeding up evolution in humans
Assortative Mating at Loci Under Recent Natural Selection in Humans. Akihiro Nishi et al. Biosystems, October 1 2019, 104040. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biosystems.2019.104040
Abstract: Genetic correlation between mates at specific loci can greatly alter the evolutionary trajectory of a species. Genetic assortative mating has been documented in humans, but its existence beyond population stratification (shared ancestry) has been a matter of controversy. Here, we develop a method to measure assortative mating across the genome at 1,044,854 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), controlling for population stratification and cohort-specific cryptic relatedness. Using data on 1,683 human couples from two data sources, we find evidence for both assortative and disassortative mating at specific, discernible loci throughout the entire genome. Then, using the composite of multiple signals (CMS) score, we also show that the group of SNPs exhibiting the most assortativity has been under stronger recent positive selection. Simulations using realistic inputs confirm that assortative mating might indeed affect changes in allele frequency over time. These results suggest that genetic assortative mating may be speeding up evolution in humans.
Abstract: Genetic correlation between mates at specific loci can greatly alter the evolutionary trajectory of a species. Genetic assortative mating has been documented in humans, but its existence beyond population stratification (shared ancestry) has been a matter of controversy. Here, we develop a method to measure assortative mating across the genome at 1,044,854 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), controlling for population stratification and cohort-specific cryptic relatedness. Using data on 1,683 human couples from two data sources, we find evidence for both assortative and disassortative mating at specific, discernible loci throughout the entire genome. Then, using the composite of multiple signals (CMS) score, we also show that the group of SNPs exhibiting the most assortativity has been under stronger recent positive selection. Simulations using realistic inputs confirm that assortative mating might indeed affect changes in allele frequency over time. These results suggest that genetic assortative mating may be speeding up evolution in humans.
Religion and the Extension of Trust: The ability to cooperate with others, both individuals and institutions, is an essential social function built on trust
Religion and the Extension of Trust. Benjamin O. Hsiung, Paul A. Djupe. Political Behavior, September 2019, Volume 41, Issue 3, pp 609–631. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-018-9466-4
Abstract: The ability to cooperate with others, both individuals and institutions, is an essential social function built on trust. We explore the competing religious logics that shape the radius of trust, placing emphasis on communicated values in the social context of the congregation. Using cross-sectional data from American adults, we show the effects of religious beliefs that augment risk, values that demand outreach, and practices that capture experience with collective action. With a survey experiment, we show that priming different religious styles (inclusive of beliefs, values, and outreach) shifts the propensity to trust government and the social other in expected ways. In this way, we attempt to make sense of previous variant findings by suggesting that religious influence is dynamic and dependent on the religious style choices communicated to congregants.
Keywords: Political trust Social trust Religion and politics Experiment Devil
Abstract: The ability to cooperate with others, both individuals and institutions, is an essential social function built on trust. We explore the competing religious logics that shape the radius of trust, placing emphasis on communicated values in the social context of the congregation. Using cross-sectional data from American adults, we show the effects of religious beliefs that augment risk, values that demand outreach, and practices that capture experience with collective action. With a survey experiment, we show that priming different religious styles (inclusive of beliefs, values, and outreach) shifts the propensity to trust government and the social other in expected ways. In this way, we attempt to make sense of previous variant findings by suggesting that religious influence is dynamic and dependent on the religious style choices communicated to congregants.
Keywords: Political trust Social trust Religion and politics Experiment Devil
Highly educated people are more likely to view voting as a civic duty; but also education is associated with a higher likelihood of overreporting voting in the 2016 election
Educational Attainment and Social Norms of Voting. Eric R. Hansen, Andrew Tyner. Political Behavior, October 8 2019. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-019-09571-8
Abstract: Why does the likelihood of voting increase with education in the US? Prominent theories attribute education’s effect to human capital, which affords individuals resources needed to participate, but neglect social motivations. We test a theory of internalized social norms as another contributing factor, providing evidence in three studies. First, we show that highly educated people are more likely to view voting as a civic duty, and that civic duty partially mediates the effect of education on voting. Second, we show education is associated with a higher likelihood of overreporting voting in the 2016 election. Third, we show that educated respondents are more likely to withstand stimuli incentivizing them to report they will not vote in an upcoming election. The results imply that voting norms vary by education, and invite more attention to social explanations for socioeconomic disparities in turnout.
Keywords: Voting Education Civic duty Norms
Abstract: Why does the likelihood of voting increase with education in the US? Prominent theories attribute education’s effect to human capital, which affords individuals resources needed to participate, but neglect social motivations. We test a theory of internalized social norms as another contributing factor, providing evidence in three studies. First, we show that highly educated people are more likely to view voting as a civic duty, and that civic duty partially mediates the effect of education on voting. Second, we show education is associated with a higher likelihood of overreporting voting in the 2016 election. Third, we show that educated respondents are more likely to withstand stimuli incentivizing them to report they will not vote in an upcoming election. The results imply that voting norms vary by education, and invite more attention to social explanations for socioeconomic disparities in turnout.
Keywords: Voting Education Civic duty Norms
What Does It Take to Get a Vegetarian to Eat Meat? The majority (54%) of vegetarians were open to the possibility of eating meat
Rosenfeld, Daniel L. 2019. “What Does It Take to Get a Vegetarian to Eat Meat? Factors Predicting Dietary Adherence.” PsyArXiv. October 8. doi:10.31234/osf.io/97a2s
Abstract: Many people say they are vegetarian yet still eat meat on occasion. Despite this paradox having been documented extensively, multivariate attempts to explain individual differences in vegetarians’ levels of dietary adherence are lacking. The current paper presents three highly powered studies (Ns = 589, 592, and 594) that examined what psychological constructs predict a vegetarian’s level of self-imposed dietary adherence, along with a meta-analysis (Study 4) of these studies. The meta-analysis indicated that the majority (54%) of vegetarians were open to the possibility of eating meat. Consistently, factors that distinguished low-adherence from high-adherence vegetarians were social identity variables related to vegetarianism, motivation for vegetarianism, disgust toward meat, and general liking of meat. Higher centrality of vegetarian dieting to one’s identity, greater disgust toward meat, lower liking of meat, longer duration of following a vegetarian diet, and considering oneself to be a vegan were unique predictors of higher dietary adherence intention. Implications for theory, research methodology, and practice are discussed.
Abstract: Many people say they are vegetarian yet still eat meat on occasion. Despite this paradox having been documented extensively, multivariate attempts to explain individual differences in vegetarians’ levels of dietary adherence are lacking. The current paper presents three highly powered studies (Ns = 589, 592, and 594) that examined what psychological constructs predict a vegetarian’s level of self-imposed dietary adherence, along with a meta-analysis (Study 4) of these studies. The meta-analysis indicated that the majority (54%) of vegetarians were open to the possibility of eating meat. Consistently, factors that distinguished low-adherence from high-adherence vegetarians were social identity variables related to vegetarianism, motivation for vegetarianism, disgust toward meat, and general liking of meat. Higher centrality of vegetarian dieting to one’s identity, greater disgust toward meat, lower liking of meat, longer duration of following a vegetarian diet, and considering oneself to be a vegan were unique predictors of higher dietary adherence intention. Implications for theory, research methodology, and practice are discussed.
Is Nutrition Knowledge Related to Diet Quality and Obesity?; & men had a poorer diet
Is Nutrition Knowledge Related to Diet Quality and Obesity? Şengül Akkartal & Ceren Gezer. Ecology of Food and Nutrition, Oct 8 2019. https://doi.org/10.1080/03670244.2019.1675654
ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to assess the relationship between nutrition knowledge and diet quality. It was conducted with 382 individuals aged 18–64 living in Famagusta, Cyprus. Data was obtained through face-to-face interviews. Individuals with a high-quality diet had high nutrition knowledge (p < .05). Nutrition knowledge level increases as education level increases (p < .001). An increase in the level of nutrition knowledge is related to a reduction in body mass index (r = −0.12, p = .02), waist circumference (r = −0.16, p < .001), and body fat mass (r = −0.10, p = .04). Gender, education level, obesity, and diet quality were all found to be correlated with nutrition knowledge. There is a need for advanced analysis of nutrition knowledge level, diet quality, and obesity with larger samples.
KEYWORDS: Nutrition knowledge, diet quality, obesity
ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to assess the relationship between nutrition knowledge and diet quality. It was conducted with 382 individuals aged 18–64 living in Famagusta, Cyprus. Data was obtained through face-to-face interviews. Individuals with a high-quality diet had high nutrition knowledge (p < .05). Nutrition knowledge level increases as education level increases (p < .001). An increase in the level of nutrition knowledge is related to a reduction in body mass index (r = −0.12, p = .02), waist circumference (r = −0.16, p < .001), and body fat mass (r = −0.10, p = .04). Gender, education level, obesity, and diet quality were all found to be correlated with nutrition knowledge. There is a need for advanced analysis of nutrition knowledge level, diet quality, and obesity with larger samples.
KEYWORDS: Nutrition knowledge, diet quality, obesity
Analysis of 72 Social Science Reviews of the Literature Published Between 2001 and 2017: Consensus is That LGBTQ Parents Are Not More Likely to Have LGBTQ Children
Schumm, Walter and Crawford, Duane (2019). Scientific Consensus on Whether LGBTQ Parents Are More Likely (or Not) to Have LGBTQ Children: An Analysis of 72 Social Science Reviews of the Literature Published Between 2001 and 2017. Journal of International Women's Studies, 20(7), 1-12. https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol20/iss7/1
Abstract: Until the 1950’s, it was widely assumed that homosexuality was a pathological condition. Even after leading social science organizations rejected that assumption in the early 1970’s, many believed that LGBTQ parents would not be able to parent as well as heterosexual parents. Further social science research has generally rejected the latter assumption as well. Using a complex citation network method of assessing scientific consensus, Adams and Light (2015) concluded that consensus on same-sex or LGBTQ parenting had been achieved by the late 1990’s and that the consensus formed was that children’s outcomes were no different than for children of heterosexual parents. We have proposed a more direct and simple measure of scientific consensus, using social science literature reviews. We evaluated 72 social science reviews of the literature between 2001 and 2017, based on English language social science journal sources, in the area of same-sex or LGBTQ parenting, with a focus on whether the authors concluded if there was any apparent association between parental and child sexual orientations. Over 90% of the reviews assessed concluded that there was no association between parent and child sexual orientations, demonstrating a clear scientific consensus on the issue since at least 2001. The small minority of reviews that concluded otherwise often had issues that might lead many scholars to discredit the validity of their conclusions. Our results provide another approach for assessing scientific consensus in the social sciences and confirm the findings of Adams and Light (2015), despite our different methodologies, about the development of scientific consensus in the area of same-sex parenting, that it was probably achieved by the late 1990’s. Future research might investigate the existence of similar consensus in medical or legal journals prior to 2001 or take the quality of literature reviews into account, including their consideration of intersectionality.
References
*Indicates part of the set of reviews included in analysis.
*Abbott, D. A.(2012).Do lesbian couples make better parents than heterosexual couples?International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(13), 30-46.Adams, J., & Light, R.(2015).Scientific consensus, the law, and same sex parenting outcomes.Social Science Research, 53, 300-310.
*Allen, D. W.(2015).More heat thanlight: A critical assessment of the same-sex parenting literature, 1995-2013.Marriage & Family Review, 51, 154-182.
*Allen, M., & Burrell, N. A.(2002).Sexual orientation of the parent: The impact on thechild.In M. Allen, R. Preiss, B. M. Gayle, & N. A. Burrell (Eds.), Interpersonal communication research: Advances through meta-analysis(pp. 125-143).Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.*Anderssen, N., Amlie, C., & Ytteroy, E. A.(2002).Outcomes for children with lesbian or gay parents: A review of studies from 1978 to 2000.Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 43, 335-351.
*Armesto, J. C.(2002).Developmental and contextual factors that influence gay fathers’ parental competence: A review of the literature.Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 3, 67-78.
Bailey,J. M., & Dawood, K.(1998).Behavioral genetics, sexual orientation, and the family.In C. J. Patterson & A. R. D’Augelli (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities in families: Psychological perspectives(pp. 3-18).New York: Oxford University Press.
Ball, C. A.(2003).Lesbian and gay families: Gender nonconformity and the implications of difference.Capital University Law Review, 31, 691-749.
Ball, C. A.(2016a).Same-sex marriage and children: A tale of history, social science, and the law.New York: Oxford University Press.
*Ball, C. A.(2016b).Sexual orientation and parenting.In C. A. Ball, Same-sex marriage and children: A tale of history, social science, and law(pp. 83-110, 168-174).New York: Oxford University Press.
*Barrett, H., & Tasker, F.(2002).Gay fathers and their children: What we know and what we need to know.Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review, 3(Part 1), 3-10.Bem, D. J.(1995).Writing a review article for Psychological Bulletin.Psychological Bulletin, 118, 172-177.
*Biblarz, T. J., & Savci, E.(2010).Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender families.Journal of Marriage and Family, 72, 480-497.
*Biblarz, T. J., & Stacey, J.(2010).How does the gender of parents matter?Journal ofMarriage and Family, 72, 3-22.*Bos, H. M. W.(2013).Lesbian-mother families formed through donor insemination.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parent families: Innovations in research and implications for practice(pp. 21-37).New York: Springer.Byrd, A. D.(2011).Homosexual couples and parenting: What science can and cannot say.Journal of Human Sexuality, 3, 4-34.
*Cameron, P.(2006).Children of homosexuals and transsexuals more apt to be homosexual.Journal of Biosocial Science, 38, 413-418.
8Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019Carroll, M.(2018).Gay fathers on the margins: Race, class, marital status, and pathway to parenthood.Family Relations, 67, 104-117.
Chan, C. D., & Erby, A. N.(2018).A critical analysis and applied intersectionality framework with intercultural queer couples.Journal of Homosexuality, 65, 1249-1274.
*Clarke, V.(2001).What about the children? Arguments against lesbian and gay parenting.Women’s Studies International Forum, 24, 555-570.
*Crowl, A., Ahn, S., & Baker, J.(2008).A meta-analysis of developmental outcomes for children of same-sex and heterosexual parents.Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 4, 385-407.
*Dempsey, D.(2013).Same-sex parented families in Australia.(CFCA Paper No. 18). Melbourne, Australia: Australian Institute of Family Studies.
*Diamond, L. M., & Butterworth, M.(2009).The close relationships of sexual minorities: Partners, friends, and family.In M. C. Smith & N. DeFrates-Densch (Eds.), Handbook of research on adult learning and development (pp. 355-377).New York: Routledge(Taylor & Francis Group).
*Diamond, L. M., & Rosky, C. J.(2016).Scrutinizing immutability: Research on sexual orientation and U.S. legal advocacy for sexual minorities.Journal of Sex Research, 53, 363-391.DiBennardo, R., & Saguy, A.(2018).How children of LGBQ parents negotiate courtesystigma over the life course.Journal of International Women’s Studies, 19, 290-304.
*Duncan, M.(2016).Adoption, GLBT.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 1, pp. 44-49).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.
*Fedewa, A. L., Black, W. W., & Ahn, S.(2015).Children and adolescents with same-gender parents: A meta-analytic approach in assessing outcomes.Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 11, 1-34.Fish, J. N., & Russell, S. T.(2018).Queering methodologies to understandqueer families.Family Relations, 67, 12-25.*Fisher, S. K., Easterly, S., & Lazear, K. J.(2008).Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender families.In T. P. Gulotta & G. M. Blau (Eds.), Family influences on childhood behavior and development: Evidence-based prevention and treatment approaches (pp. 187-208).New York: Routledge.
Gartrell, N., Bos, H. M. W., & Goldberg, N. G.(2011).Adolescents ofthe U.S. National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study: Sexual orientation, sexual behavior, and sexual risk exposure.Archives of Sexual Behavior, 40, 1199-1209.
*Gartrell, N., Peyser, H., & Bos, H.(2012).Planned lesbian families: A review of the U.S. National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study.In D. Brodzinsky & A. Pertman (Eds.), Adoption by lesbians and gay men: A new dimension in family diversity(pp. 112-129).New York: Oxford University Press.
*Gates, G. J.(2015).Marriage and family: LGBT individuals and same-sex couples.Future of Children, 25, 67-87.
*Gates, G. J., & Romero, A. P.(2009).Parenting by gay men and lesbians: Beyond the current research.In H. E. Peters & C. M. Kamp Dush (Eds.), Marriage and family: Perspectives and complexities(pp. 227-243).New York, NY:Columbia University Press.
*Gilmore, D. L., Esmail, A., & Eargle, L. A. (2016).Lesbian parents.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 3, pp. 1287-1291).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.
9Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019
*Goldberg, A. E.(2009).Lesbian, gay, and bisexual family psychology: A systemic, life-cycle perspective.In J. H. Bray & M. Stanton (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell handbook of family psychology(pp. 576-587).Malden, MA:Wiley-Blackwell.*Goldberg, A. E.(2010).Lesbian and gay parents and their children: Research on the family life cycle.Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
*Goldberg, A. E.(2017).LGBQ-parent families: Development and functioning in context.In C. A. Price, K. R. Bush, & S. J. Price (Eds.), Families & change: Coping with stressful events and transitions(pp. 95-117).Los Angeles, CA: Sage.
*Goldberg, A. E., Downing, J. B., & Richardson, H. B.(2012).Lesbian and gay parenting.In R. Levesque, Jr. (Ed.), Encyclopedia of adolescence(21-38).New York: Springer.
*Goldberg, A. E., & Gartrell, N. K.(2014).LGB-parent families: The current state of the research and directions for the future.Advances in Child Development and Behavior, 46, 57-88.
*Goldberg, A. E., Gartrell, N. K., & Gates, G.(2014).Research report on LGB-parent families.Los Angeles, CA:The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law.
*Goldberg, A.E., & Weber, E. R.(2015).Parenting, gay and lesbian.In P. Whelehan & A. Bolin (Eds.), The international encyclopedia of humansexuality(Vol. 2, pp. 872-874).Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
*Golombok, S.(2015).Modern families: Parents and children in new family forms. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Golombok, S., Perry, B., Burston, A., Murray, C., Mooney-Somers, J., Stevens, M., & Golding, J.(2003).Children with lesbian parents: A community study.Developmental Psychology, 39, 20-33.
*Golombok, S., & Tasker, F.(2015).Socioemotional development in changing families.In M. E. Lamb & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology anddevelopmental science(pp. 419-463).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley
*Grotevant, H. D., & Lo, A. Y. H.(2017).Adoptive parenting.Current Opinion in Psychology, 15, 71-75.
*Haney-Caron, E., & Heilbrun, K.(2014).Lesbian and gay parents and determination of child custody: The changing legal landscape and implications for policy and practice.Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 1, 19-29.
*Harder, B. M.(2016a).Lesbian relationships.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 3, pp. 1292-1297).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.*Harder, B. M.(2016b).Gay men’s relationships in the United States.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 2, pp. 896-901).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.Hequembourg, A.(2007).Lesbian motherhood: Stories of becoming.New York: Harrington Park Press.
*Herek, G. M.(2006).Legal recognition of same-sex relationships in the United States: A social science perspective.American Psychologist, 61, 607-621.
*Herek, G. M.(2010).Sexual orientation differences as deficits: Science and stigma in the history of American psychology.Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5, 693-699.*Hicks, S.(2005).Is gay parenting bad for kids? Responding to the ‘very idea of difference’ in research on lesbian and gay parents. Sexualities, 8, 153-168.
*James, W. H.(2004).The sexual orientation of men who were brought up in gay or lesbian households.Journal of Biosocial Science, 36, 371-374.
10Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019Juros, T. V.(2017).Comparing the outcomes of children of same-sex and opposite-sex partners: Overview of the quantitative studies conducted on random representative samples.Revija za Sociologiju, 47, 65-95.
*Kuvalanka, K.(2013).The “second generation”: LGBTQ youthwith LGBTQ parents.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parent families: Innovations in research and implications (pp. 163-175).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.*Laird, J.(2003).Lesbian and gay families.In F. Walsh (Ed.), Normal family processes: Growing diversity and complexity(pp. 176-209).New York, NY: Guilford Press.
*Lambert, S.(2005).Gay and lesbian families: What we know and where to go from here.The Family Journal: Counseling and Therapy for Couples and Families, 13,43-51.*Marks, L.(2012).Same-sex parenting and children’s outcomes: A closer examination of the American Psychological Association’s brief on lesbian and gay parenting.Social Science Research, 41, 735-751.*McCann, D., & Delmonte, H.(2005).Lesbian and gayparenting: Babes in arms or babes in the woods?Sexual and Relationship Therapy, 20, 333-347.
*McClellan, D. L.(2006).Bisexual relationships and families.In D. F. Morrow & L. Messinger (Eds.), Sexual orientation and gender expression in social work practice(pp. 243-262).New York: Columbia University Press.
*McKinney, R. E.(2006).Gay male relationships and families.In D. F. Morrow & L. Messinger (Eds.), Sexual orientation and gender expression in social work practice(pp. 198-215).New York: Columbia University Press.
*Meezan, W., & Rauch, J.(2005).Gay marriage, same-sex parenting, and America’s children.Future of Children, 15, 97-115.*Mendez, N.(2009).Lesbian families.In S. Loue (Ed.), Sexualities and identities of minority women(pp. 91-104).New York: Springer-Science+Business Media.
Milardo, R. M.(2009).Editorial: Following a sociological imagination.Journal of FamilyTheory & Review, 1, 1-3.Milardo, R. M., (2014).Exit act I: JFTR, 2009-2013.Journal of Family Theory & Review, 6, 437-442.
*Millbank, J.(2003).From here tomaternity: A review of research on lesbian and gay families.Australian Journal of Social Issues, 38, 541-600.*Moore, M. R., & Stambolis-Ruhstorfer, M.(2013).LGBT sexuality and families at the start of the twenty-first century.Annual Review of Sociology, 39, 491-507.
*Parks, C. A., & Humphreys, N. A.(2006).Lesbian relationships and families.In D. F. Morrow & L. Messinger (Eds.), Sexual orientation and gender expression in social work practice(pp. 216-242).New York: Columbia University Press.
*Patterson, C. J. (2002).Lesbian and gay parenthood.In M. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook ofparenting(2ndEd., Vol. 3, pp. 317-338).Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
*Patterson, C. J.(2003).Children of lesbian and gay parents.In L. D. Garnets & D. C. Kimmel (Eds.), Psychological perspectives on lesbian, gay, and bisexual experiences(pp. 497-548).New York: Columbia University Press.
*Patterson, C. J.(2005).Lesbian and gay parents and their children: Summary of research findings.In Lesbian and gay parenting(pp. 5-22).Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
*Patterson, C. J.(2006).Children of lesbian and gay parents.Current Directions in Psychological Science, 15, 241-244.
11Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019
*Patterson, C. J.(2009a).Children of lesbian and gay parents: Psychology, law, and policy. American Psychologist, 64, 727-736.
*Patterson, C. J.(2009b).Lesbian and gay parents and their children: A social science perspective.In D. A. Hope (Ed.), Contemporary perspectives on lesbian, gay, andbisexual identities(pp. 141-182).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.
*Patterson, C. J.(2013).Family lives of lesbian and gay adults.In G. W. Peterson & K. R. Bush (Eds.),Handbook of marriage and the family(pp. 659-681).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.
*Patterson, C. J.(2017).Parents’ sexual orientation and children’s development.ChildDevelopment Perspectives, 11, 45-49.
*Patterson, C. J., & Farr, R. H.(2016).Children of lesbian and gay parents: Reflections on the research-policy interface.In K. Durkin & H. R. Schaffer (Eds.), The Wiley handbook of developmental psychology in practice: Implementation and impact(pp. 129-142).Malden, MA: Wiley.
*Patterson, C. J., & Goldberg, A. E.(2016).Lesbian and gay parents and their children.NCFR Policy Brief, 1, 1-4.
*Patterson, C. J., Fulcher, M., & Wainwright, J.(2002).Children of lesbian and gay parents: Research, law, and policy.In B. L. Bottoms, M. B. Kovera, & B. D. McAuliff (Eds.), Children, social science, and the law(pp. 176-199).New York: Cambridge University Press.
Patterson, C. J., & Redding, R. E.(1996).Lesbian and gay families with children: Implications of social science research for policy.Journal of Social Issues, 52, 29-50.Riley, M.(1975).The avowed lesbian mother and her right to child custody: A constitutional challenge that can no longer be denied.San Diego Law Review, 12, 799-864.
*Ross, L. E., & Dobinson, C.(2013).Where is the “B” in LGBT parenting?A call for research on bisexual parenting.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parentfamilies: Innovations in research and implications (pp. 87-103).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.
*Ruspini, E.(2016).Gay men as parents.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-BlackwellEncyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 2, pp. 893-896).
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.Schumm, W. R.(2010).Children of homosexuals more apt to be homosexuals? A reply to Morrison and to Cameron based on anexamination of multiple sources of data.Journal of Biosocial Science, 42, 721-742.
Schumm, W. R.(2018).Same-sex parenting research: A critical assessment.London, UK:Wilberforce Press.Schumm, W. R., & Crawford, D. W.(2015).Violations of fairness insocial science research: The case of same-sex marriage and parenting.International Journal of Jurisprudence of the Family, 6, 67-113.
*Schofield, T.(2016).Knowing what we don’t know: A meta-analysis of children being raised by gay or lesbian parents.The Winnower, 3, e147568.84110.
*Short, E., Riggs, D. W., Perlesz, A., Brown, R., & Kane, G.(2007).Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) parented families: A literature review prepared for the Australian Psychological Society.Melbourne, Australia: Australian Psychological Society.Stacey, J.(2011).Unhitched: Love, marriage, and family values from West Hollywood to Western China.New York: New York University Press.
*Stacey, J., & Biblarz,T. J. (2001).(How) does the sexual orientation of parents matter?American Sociological Review, 66, 159-183.
*Tasker, F.(2002).Lesbian and gay parenting.In A. Coyle & C. Kitzinger (Eds.), Lesbian and gay psychology: New perspectives (pp. 81-97).Bodmin, UK: MPG Books.Tasker, F.(2010).Same-sex parenting and child development: Reviewing the contribution of parental gender.Journal of Marriage and Family, 72, 35-40.
*Tasker, F.(2013) Lesbian and gay parenting post-heterosexual divorce and separation.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parent families: Innovations in research and implications (pp. 3-20).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.*Tasker, F., & Patterson, C. J.(2007).Research on gay and lesbian parenting: Retrospect and prospect.Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 3(2/3), 9-34.
*Telingator, C. J., & Patterson, C. J.(2008).Children and adolescents of lesbian and gay parents.Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 47, 1364-1368.
Van Eeden-Moorefield, B.(2018).Introduction to the special issue: Intersectional variationsin theexperiences of queer families.Family Relations, 67, 7-11.
Abstract: Until the 1950’s, it was widely assumed that homosexuality was a pathological condition. Even after leading social science organizations rejected that assumption in the early 1970’s, many believed that LGBTQ parents would not be able to parent as well as heterosexual parents. Further social science research has generally rejected the latter assumption as well. Using a complex citation network method of assessing scientific consensus, Adams and Light (2015) concluded that consensus on same-sex or LGBTQ parenting had been achieved by the late 1990’s and that the consensus formed was that children’s outcomes were no different than for children of heterosexual parents. We have proposed a more direct and simple measure of scientific consensus, using social science literature reviews. We evaluated 72 social science reviews of the literature between 2001 and 2017, based on English language social science journal sources, in the area of same-sex or LGBTQ parenting, with a focus on whether the authors concluded if there was any apparent association between parental and child sexual orientations. Over 90% of the reviews assessed concluded that there was no association between parent and child sexual orientations, demonstrating a clear scientific consensus on the issue since at least 2001. The small minority of reviews that concluded otherwise often had issues that might lead many scholars to discredit the validity of their conclusions. Our results provide another approach for assessing scientific consensus in the social sciences and confirm the findings of Adams and Light (2015), despite our different methodologies, about the development of scientific consensus in the area of same-sex parenting, that it was probably achieved by the late 1990’s. Future research might investigate the existence of similar consensus in medical or legal journals prior to 2001 or take the quality of literature reviews into account, including their consideration of intersectionality.
References
*Indicates part of the set of reviews included in analysis.
*Abbott, D. A.(2012).Do lesbian couples make better parents than heterosexual couples?International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(13), 30-46.Adams, J., & Light, R.(2015).Scientific consensus, the law, and same sex parenting outcomes.Social Science Research, 53, 300-310.
*Allen, D. W.(2015).More heat thanlight: A critical assessment of the same-sex parenting literature, 1995-2013.Marriage & Family Review, 51, 154-182.
*Allen, M., & Burrell, N. A.(2002).Sexual orientation of the parent: The impact on thechild.In M. Allen, R. Preiss, B. M. Gayle, & N. A. Burrell (Eds.), Interpersonal communication research: Advances through meta-analysis(pp. 125-143).Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.*Anderssen, N., Amlie, C., & Ytteroy, E. A.(2002).Outcomes for children with lesbian or gay parents: A review of studies from 1978 to 2000.Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 43, 335-351.
*Armesto, J. C.(2002).Developmental and contextual factors that influence gay fathers’ parental competence: A review of the literature.Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 3, 67-78.
Bailey,J. M., & Dawood, K.(1998).Behavioral genetics, sexual orientation, and the family.In C. J. Patterson & A. R. D’Augelli (Eds.), Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities in families: Psychological perspectives(pp. 3-18).New York: Oxford University Press.
Ball, C. A.(2003).Lesbian and gay families: Gender nonconformity and the implications of difference.Capital University Law Review, 31, 691-749.
Ball, C. A.(2016a).Same-sex marriage and children: A tale of history, social science, and the law.New York: Oxford University Press.
*Ball, C. A.(2016b).Sexual orientation and parenting.In C. A. Ball, Same-sex marriage and children: A tale of history, social science, and law(pp. 83-110, 168-174).New York: Oxford University Press.
*Barrett, H., & Tasker, F.(2002).Gay fathers and their children: What we know and what we need to know.Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review, 3(Part 1), 3-10.Bem, D. J.(1995).Writing a review article for Psychological Bulletin.Psychological Bulletin, 118, 172-177.
*Biblarz, T. J., & Savci, E.(2010).Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender families.Journal of Marriage and Family, 72, 480-497.
*Biblarz, T. J., & Stacey, J.(2010).How does the gender of parents matter?Journal ofMarriage and Family, 72, 3-22.*Bos, H. M. W.(2013).Lesbian-mother families formed through donor insemination.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parent families: Innovations in research and implications for practice(pp. 21-37).New York: Springer.Byrd, A. D.(2011).Homosexual couples and parenting: What science can and cannot say.Journal of Human Sexuality, 3, 4-34.
*Cameron, P.(2006).Children of homosexuals and transsexuals more apt to be homosexual.Journal of Biosocial Science, 38, 413-418.
8Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019Carroll, M.(2018).Gay fathers on the margins: Race, class, marital status, and pathway to parenthood.Family Relations, 67, 104-117.
Chan, C. D., & Erby, A. N.(2018).A critical analysis and applied intersectionality framework with intercultural queer couples.Journal of Homosexuality, 65, 1249-1274.
*Clarke, V.(2001).What about the children? Arguments against lesbian and gay parenting.Women’s Studies International Forum, 24, 555-570.
*Crowl, A., Ahn, S., & Baker, J.(2008).A meta-analysis of developmental outcomes for children of same-sex and heterosexual parents.Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 4, 385-407.
*Dempsey, D.(2013).Same-sex parented families in Australia.(CFCA Paper No. 18). Melbourne, Australia: Australian Institute of Family Studies.
*Diamond, L. M., & Butterworth, M.(2009).The close relationships of sexual minorities: Partners, friends, and family.In M. C. Smith & N. DeFrates-Densch (Eds.), Handbook of research on adult learning and development (pp. 355-377).New York: Routledge(Taylor & Francis Group).
*Diamond, L. M., & Rosky, C. J.(2016).Scrutinizing immutability: Research on sexual orientation and U.S. legal advocacy for sexual minorities.Journal of Sex Research, 53, 363-391.DiBennardo, R., & Saguy, A.(2018).How children of LGBQ parents negotiate courtesystigma over the life course.Journal of International Women’s Studies, 19, 290-304.
*Duncan, M.(2016).Adoption, GLBT.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 1, pp. 44-49).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.
*Fedewa, A. L., Black, W. W., & Ahn, S.(2015).Children and adolescents with same-gender parents: A meta-analytic approach in assessing outcomes.Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 11, 1-34.Fish, J. N., & Russell, S. T.(2018).Queering methodologies to understandqueer families.Family Relations, 67, 12-25.*Fisher, S. K., Easterly, S., & Lazear, K. J.(2008).Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender families.In T. P. Gulotta & G. M. Blau (Eds.), Family influences on childhood behavior and development: Evidence-based prevention and treatment approaches (pp. 187-208).New York: Routledge.
Gartrell, N., Bos, H. M. W., & Goldberg, N. G.(2011).Adolescents ofthe U.S. National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study: Sexual orientation, sexual behavior, and sexual risk exposure.Archives of Sexual Behavior, 40, 1199-1209.
*Gartrell, N., Peyser, H., & Bos, H.(2012).Planned lesbian families: A review of the U.S. National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study.In D. Brodzinsky & A. Pertman (Eds.), Adoption by lesbians and gay men: A new dimension in family diversity(pp. 112-129).New York: Oxford University Press.
*Gates, G. J.(2015).Marriage and family: LGBT individuals and same-sex couples.Future of Children, 25, 67-87.
*Gates, G. J., & Romero, A. P.(2009).Parenting by gay men and lesbians: Beyond the current research.In H. E. Peters & C. M. Kamp Dush (Eds.), Marriage and family: Perspectives and complexities(pp. 227-243).New York, NY:Columbia University Press.
*Gilmore, D. L., Esmail, A., & Eargle, L. A. (2016).Lesbian parents.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 3, pp. 1287-1291).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.
9Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019
*Goldberg, A. E.(2009).Lesbian, gay, and bisexual family psychology: A systemic, life-cycle perspective.In J. H. Bray & M. Stanton (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell handbook of family psychology(pp. 576-587).Malden, MA:Wiley-Blackwell.*Goldberg, A. E.(2010).Lesbian and gay parents and their children: Research on the family life cycle.Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
*Goldberg, A. E.(2017).LGBQ-parent families: Development and functioning in context.In C. A. Price, K. R. Bush, & S. J. Price (Eds.), Families & change: Coping with stressful events and transitions(pp. 95-117).Los Angeles, CA: Sage.
*Goldberg, A. E., Downing, J. B., & Richardson, H. B.(2012).Lesbian and gay parenting.In R. Levesque, Jr. (Ed.), Encyclopedia of adolescence(21-38).New York: Springer.
*Goldberg, A. E., & Gartrell, N. K.(2014).LGB-parent families: The current state of the research and directions for the future.Advances in Child Development and Behavior, 46, 57-88.
*Goldberg, A. E., Gartrell, N. K., & Gates, G.(2014).Research report on LGB-parent families.Los Angeles, CA:The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law.
*Goldberg, A.E., & Weber, E. R.(2015).Parenting, gay and lesbian.In P. Whelehan & A. Bolin (Eds.), The international encyclopedia of humansexuality(Vol. 2, pp. 872-874).Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
*Golombok, S.(2015).Modern families: Parents and children in new family forms. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Golombok, S., Perry, B., Burston, A., Murray, C., Mooney-Somers, J., Stevens, M., & Golding, J.(2003).Children with lesbian parents: A community study.Developmental Psychology, 39, 20-33.
*Golombok, S., & Tasker, F.(2015).Socioemotional development in changing families.In M. E. Lamb & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology anddevelopmental science(pp. 419-463).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley
*Grotevant, H. D., & Lo, A. Y. H.(2017).Adoptive parenting.Current Opinion in Psychology, 15, 71-75.
*Haney-Caron, E., & Heilbrun, K.(2014).Lesbian and gay parents and determination of child custody: The changing legal landscape and implications for policy and practice.Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 1, 19-29.
*Harder, B. M.(2016a).Lesbian relationships.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 3, pp. 1292-1297).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.*Harder, B. M.(2016b).Gay men’s relationships in the United States.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 2, pp. 896-901).Hoboken, NJ:Wiley-Blackwell.Hequembourg, A.(2007).Lesbian motherhood: Stories of becoming.New York: Harrington Park Press.
*Herek, G. M.(2006).Legal recognition of same-sex relationships in the United States: A social science perspective.American Psychologist, 61, 607-621.
*Herek, G. M.(2010).Sexual orientation differences as deficits: Science and stigma in the history of American psychology.Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5, 693-699.*Hicks, S.(2005).Is gay parenting bad for kids? Responding to the ‘very idea of difference’ in research on lesbian and gay parents. Sexualities, 8, 153-168.
*James, W. H.(2004).The sexual orientation of men who were brought up in gay or lesbian households.Journal of Biosocial Science, 36, 371-374.
10Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019Juros, T. V.(2017).Comparing the outcomes of children of same-sex and opposite-sex partners: Overview of the quantitative studies conducted on random representative samples.Revija za Sociologiju, 47, 65-95.
*Kuvalanka, K.(2013).The “second generation”: LGBTQ youthwith LGBTQ parents.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parent families: Innovations in research and implications (pp. 163-175).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.*Laird, J.(2003).Lesbian and gay families.In F. Walsh (Ed.), Normal family processes: Growing diversity and complexity(pp. 176-209).New York, NY: Guilford Press.
*Lambert, S.(2005).Gay and lesbian families: What we know and where to go from here.The Family Journal: Counseling and Therapy for Couples and Families, 13,43-51.*Marks, L.(2012).Same-sex parenting and children’s outcomes: A closer examination of the American Psychological Association’s brief on lesbian and gay parenting.Social Science Research, 41, 735-751.*McCann, D., & Delmonte, H.(2005).Lesbian and gayparenting: Babes in arms or babes in the woods?Sexual and Relationship Therapy, 20, 333-347.
*McClellan, D. L.(2006).Bisexual relationships and families.In D. F. Morrow & L. Messinger (Eds.), Sexual orientation and gender expression in social work practice(pp. 243-262).New York: Columbia University Press.
*McKinney, R. E.(2006).Gay male relationships and families.In D. F. Morrow & L. Messinger (Eds.), Sexual orientation and gender expression in social work practice(pp. 198-215).New York: Columbia University Press.
*Meezan, W., & Rauch, J.(2005).Gay marriage, same-sex parenting, and America’s children.Future of Children, 15, 97-115.*Mendez, N.(2009).Lesbian families.In S. Loue (Ed.), Sexualities and identities of minority women(pp. 91-104).New York: Springer-Science+Business Media.
Milardo, R. M.(2009).Editorial: Following a sociological imagination.Journal of FamilyTheory & Review, 1, 1-3.Milardo, R. M., (2014).Exit act I: JFTR, 2009-2013.Journal of Family Theory & Review, 6, 437-442.
*Millbank, J.(2003).From here tomaternity: A review of research on lesbian and gay families.Australian Journal of Social Issues, 38, 541-600.*Moore, M. R., & Stambolis-Ruhstorfer, M.(2013).LGBT sexuality and families at the start of the twenty-first century.Annual Review of Sociology, 39, 491-507.
*Parks, C. A., & Humphreys, N. A.(2006).Lesbian relationships and families.In D. F. Morrow & L. Messinger (Eds.), Sexual orientation and gender expression in social work practice(pp. 216-242).New York: Columbia University Press.
*Patterson, C. J. (2002).Lesbian and gay parenthood.In M. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook ofparenting(2ndEd., Vol. 3, pp. 317-338).Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
*Patterson, C. J.(2003).Children of lesbian and gay parents.In L. D. Garnets & D. C. Kimmel (Eds.), Psychological perspectives on lesbian, gay, and bisexual experiences(pp. 497-548).New York: Columbia University Press.
*Patterson, C. J.(2005).Lesbian and gay parents and their children: Summary of research findings.In Lesbian and gay parenting(pp. 5-22).Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
*Patterson, C. J.(2006).Children of lesbian and gay parents.Current Directions in Psychological Science, 15, 241-244.
11Journal of InternationalWomen’s Studies Vol. 20, No. 7August2019
*Patterson, C. J.(2009a).Children of lesbian and gay parents: Psychology, law, and policy. American Psychologist, 64, 727-736.
*Patterson, C. J.(2009b).Lesbian and gay parents and their children: A social science perspective.In D. A. Hope (Ed.), Contemporary perspectives on lesbian, gay, andbisexual identities(pp. 141-182).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.
*Patterson, C. J.(2013).Family lives of lesbian and gay adults.In G. W. Peterson & K. R. Bush (Eds.),Handbook of marriage and the family(pp. 659-681).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.
*Patterson, C. J.(2017).Parents’ sexual orientation and children’s development.ChildDevelopment Perspectives, 11, 45-49.
*Patterson, C. J., & Farr, R. H.(2016).Children of lesbian and gay parents: Reflections on the research-policy interface.In K. Durkin & H. R. Schaffer (Eds.), The Wiley handbook of developmental psychology in practice: Implementation and impact(pp. 129-142).Malden, MA: Wiley.
*Patterson, C. J., & Goldberg, A. E.(2016).Lesbian and gay parents and their children.NCFR Policy Brief, 1, 1-4.
*Patterson, C. J., Fulcher, M., & Wainwright, J.(2002).Children of lesbian and gay parents: Research, law, and policy.In B. L. Bottoms, M. B. Kovera, & B. D. McAuliff (Eds.), Children, social science, and the law(pp. 176-199).New York: Cambridge University Press.
Patterson, C. J., & Redding, R. E.(1996).Lesbian and gay families with children: Implications of social science research for policy.Journal of Social Issues, 52, 29-50.Riley, M.(1975).The avowed lesbian mother and her right to child custody: A constitutional challenge that can no longer be denied.San Diego Law Review, 12, 799-864.
*Ross, L. E., & Dobinson, C.(2013).Where is the “B” in LGBT parenting?A call for research on bisexual parenting.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parentfamilies: Innovations in research and implications (pp. 87-103).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.
*Ruspini, E.(2016).Gay men as parents.In C. Shehan (Ed.), The Wiley-BlackwellEncyclopedia of Family Studies(Vol. 2, pp. 893-896).
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.Schumm, W. R.(2010).Children of homosexuals more apt to be homosexuals? A reply to Morrison and to Cameron based on anexamination of multiple sources of data.Journal of Biosocial Science, 42, 721-742.
Schumm, W. R.(2018).Same-sex parenting research: A critical assessment.London, UK:Wilberforce Press.Schumm, W. R., & Crawford, D. W.(2015).Violations of fairness insocial science research: The case of same-sex marriage and parenting.International Journal of Jurisprudence of the Family, 6, 67-113.
*Schofield, T.(2016).Knowing what we don’t know: A meta-analysis of children being raised by gay or lesbian parents.The Winnower, 3, e147568.84110.
*Short, E., Riggs, D. W., Perlesz, A., Brown, R., & Kane, G.(2007).Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) parented families: A literature review prepared for the Australian Psychological Society.Melbourne, Australia: Australian Psychological Society.Stacey, J.(2011).Unhitched: Love, marriage, and family values from West Hollywood to Western China.New York: New York University Press.
*Stacey, J., & Biblarz,T. J. (2001).(How) does the sexual orientation of parents matter?American Sociological Review, 66, 159-183.
*Tasker, F.(2002).Lesbian and gay parenting.In A. Coyle & C. Kitzinger (Eds.), Lesbian and gay psychology: New perspectives (pp. 81-97).Bodmin, UK: MPG Books.Tasker, F.(2010).Same-sex parenting and child development: Reviewing the contribution of parental gender.Journal of Marriage and Family, 72, 35-40.
*Tasker, F.(2013) Lesbian and gay parenting post-heterosexual divorce and separation.In A. E. Goldberg & K. R. Allen (Eds.), LGBT-parent families: Innovations in research and implications (pp. 3-20).New York: Springer Science+Business Media.*Tasker, F., & Patterson, C. J.(2007).Research on gay and lesbian parenting: Retrospect and prospect.Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 3(2/3), 9-34.
*Telingator, C. J., & Patterson, C. J.(2008).Children and adolescents of lesbian and gay parents.Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 47, 1364-1368.
Van Eeden-Moorefield, B.(2018).Introduction to the special issue: Intersectional variationsin theexperiences of queer families.Family Relations, 67, 7-11.
In humans and other species, males show greater variability in multiple traits; there is also evidence of higher male susceptibility to environmental factors; hypothesis is that early androgen exposure increases plasticity in both sexes
Individual differences in developmental plasticity: A role for early androgens? Marco Del Giudice et al. Psychoneuroendocrinology, Volume 90, April 2018, Pages 165-173. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2018.02.025
Highlights
• In humans and other species, males show greater variability in multiple traits.
• There is also evidence of higher male susceptibility to environmental factors.
• We hypothesize that early androgen exposure increases plasticity in both sexes.
• Androgens may promote plasticity through various physiological pathways.
• Our hypothesis is speculative but testable, and can inform developmental research.
Abstract: Developmental plasticity is a widespread property of living organisms, but different individuals in the same species can vary greatly in how susceptible they are to environmental influences. In humans, research has sought to link variation in plasticity to physiological traits such as stress reactivity, exposure to prenatal stress-related hormones such as cortisol, and specific genes involved in major neurobiological pathways. However, the determinants of individual differences in plasticity are still poorly understood. Here we present the novel hypothesis that, in both sexes, higher exposure to androgens during prenatal and early postnatal life should lead to increased plasticity in traits that display greater male variability (i.e., a majority of physical and behavioral traits). First, we review evidence of greater phenotypic variation and higher susceptibility to environmental factors in males; we then consider evolutionary models that explain greater male variability and plasticity as a result of sexual selection. These empirical and theoretical strands converge on the hypothesis that androgens may promote developmental plasticity, at least for traits that show greater male variability. We discuss a number of potential mechanisms that may mediate this effect (including upregulation of neural plasticity), and address the question of whether androgen-induced plasticity is likely to be adaptive or maladaptive. We conclude by offering suggestions for future studies in this area, and considering some research designs that could be used to empirically test our hypothesis.
Highlights
• In humans and other species, males show greater variability in multiple traits.
• There is also evidence of higher male susceptibility to environmental factors.
• We hypothesize that early androgen exposure increases plasticity in both sexes.
• Androgens may promote plasticity through various physiological pathways.
• Our hypothesis is speculative but testable, and can inform developmental research.
Abstract: Developmental plasticity is a widespread property of living organisms, but different individuals in the same species can vary greatly in how susceptible they are to environmental influences. In humans, research has sought to link variation in plasticity to physiological traits such as stress reactivity, exposure to prenatal stress-related hormones such as cortisol, and specific genes involved in major neurobiological pathways. However, the determinants of individual differences in plasticity are still poorly understood. Here we present the novel hypothesis that, in both sexes, higher exposure to androgens during prenatal and early postnatal life should lead to increased plasticity in traits that display greater male variability (i.e., a majority of physical and behavioral traits). First, we review evidence of greater phenotypic variation and higher susceptibility to environmental factors in males; we then consider evolutionary models that explain greater male variability and plasticity as a result of sexual selection. These empirical and theoretical strands converge on the hypothesis that androgens may promote developmental plasticity, at least for traits that show greater male variability. We discuss a number of potential mechanisms that may mediate this effect (including upregulation of neural plasticity), and address the question of whether androgen-induced plasticity is likely to be adaptive or maladaptive. We conclude by offering suggestions for future studies in this area, and considering some research designs that could be used to empirically test our hypothesis.
Two types of sexual content – “details of my sex life” and “my sexual desires and fantasies” – were the most common topics of dishonesty with therapists; motivation of 80% of clients was to avoid shame or embarrassment
Sex, Dishonesty, and Psychotherapy. Melanie Nicole Love. PhD Thesis, Columbia Univ. October 2, 2019. https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/d8-cpz2-yq18
Purpose: Honest disclosure about salient information is at the heart of the therapy process but sexual material has been found to be among the most frequently concealed types of content. Understanding why clients choose to be avoidant or explicitly dishonest about sexual topics may attune therapists to the types of concerns clients have when deciding whether or not to disclose this material, how non-disclosure or dishonesty about sex impacts therapy, and what would help clients be more honest about such material. This study directly queried clients who had been dishonest about four types of sexual content in order to learn how therapists can better promote honest disclosure about different domains of sex and sexuality.
Method: As part of a comprehensive study of client “secrets and lies,” a sample of 798 outpatient therapy clients rated their dishonesty or honesty about four sexually related topics (“details of my sex life,” “my sexual desires or fantasies,” “my sexual orientation,” and “times I have cheated on a partner”) and completed measures about attitudes toward disclosure along with ratings of the therapeutic alliance. Follow-up samples of clients who stated that a sexual topic had been hardest to talk about in therapy answered multiple-choice and open-text questions about their motivations for being dishonest with the therapist, how it impacted them in terms of therapy progress and feelings about the decision, and what they believed the therapist could do to help them be more honest about this topic.
Results: Two types of sexual content – “details of my sex life” and “my sexual desires and fantasies” – were the most common topics of dishonesty across the whole sample. Dishonesty about sex tended to manifest in total avoidance of the topic in therapy. Approximately 80% of clients indicated that their motivation for dishonesty was to avoid shame or embarrassment, while smaller numbers reported concerns about how the therapist would react to the disclosure. These clients cited worries about being stigmatized or judged, or felt unsure that the therapist would understand or be able to help; some referred to their belief that the therapy relationship could be jeopardized if they were more disclosing, a particularly salient theme for those who had been dishonest about sexual orientation and sexual fantasies. Based on a multiple choice format, a majority stated that their dishonesty about sexual issues had “no effect” but in an open-text format, a majority described more negative impacts, mainly the inability to address a relevant topic. A significant number of clients felt conflicted, guilty, or regretful about being dishonest, though some felt largely neutral; very few had positive feelings. When asked what would help facilitate honesty, about 80% of clients stated their wish for the therapist to “ask directly.” Some differences occurred in terms of specific facilitators based on topic. For instance, clients who had concealed a more overtly sexual topic (e.g., “details of my sex life” and “my sexual desires or fantasies”) wanted the therapist to normalize or provide a rationale for why it would be helpful to disclose; clients who concealed their sexual orientation wished for the therapist to display cultural competence and to ensure the safety of the relationship; and clients concealing infidelity were unsure if there was anything the therapist could do.
Limitations: The findings of this study may be limited in its generalizability due to a few key factors. First, the sample contained a majority of highly educated Caucasian female clients, which mirrors the therapy-seeking population but may not accurately reflect the concerns of male or minority clients. Second, it was comprised solely of individuals who were willing to speak more about their experience in therapy, while the follow-up samples contained respondents who identified that a sexual topic had been hardest to talk about in therapy. Finally, self-report data is by its very nature limited by the willingness of clients to answer accurately. As such, it is unclear how these data extend to the general or clinical population more broadly.
Conclusions: The concerns expressed by clients suggest that shame and the anticipation of a negative therapist reaction primarily motivate sexual dishonesty, and that direct inquiry by the therapist can help alleviate both of these interconnected worries by signaling that sex is a welcomed topic of disclosure. These findings also indicate the high prevalence of dishonesty about a spectrum of sexual topics and highlight the way that clients tend to avoid these discussions, which further supports the need for more active therapist intervention to frame the rationale and normalize honest discussion about clinically relevant sexual material.
Subjects: Clinical psychology Psychotherapy Therapist and patient Sex
Purpose: Honest disclosure about salient information is at the heart of the therapy process but sexual material has been found to be among the most frequently concealed types of content. Understanding why clients choose to be avoidant or explicitly dishonest about sexual topics may attune therapists to the types of concerns clients have when deciding whether or not to disclose this material, how non-disclosure or dishonesty about sex impacts therapy, and what would help clients be more honest about such material. This study directly queried clients who had been dishonest about four types of sexual content in order to learn how therapists can better promote honest disclosure about different domains of sex and sexuality.
Method: As part of a comprehensive study of client “secrets and lies,” a sample of 798 outpatient therapy clients rated their dishonesty or honesty about four sexually related topics (“details of my sex life,” “my sexual desires or fantasies,” “my sexual orientation,” and “times I have cheated on a partner”) and completed measures about attitudes toward disclosure along with ratings of the therapeutic alliance. Follow-up samples of clients who stated that a sexual topic had been hardest to talk about in therapy answered multiple-choice and open-text questions about their motivations for being dishonest with the therapist, how it impacted them in terms of therapy progress and feelings about the decision, and what they believed the therapist could do to help them be more honest about this topic.
Results: Two types of sexual content – “details of my sex life” and “my sexual desires and fantasies” – were the most common topics of dishonesty across the whole sample. Dishonesty about sex tended to manifest in total avoidance of the topic in therapy. Approximately 80% of clients indicated that their motivation for dishonesty was to avoid shame or embarrassment, while smaller numbers reported concerns about how the therapist would react to the disclosure. These clients cited worries about being stigmatized or judged, or felt unsure that the therapist would understand or be able to help; some referred to their belief that the therapy relationship could be jeopardized if they were more disclosing, a particularly salient theme for those who had been dishonest about sexual orientation and sexual fantasies. Based on a multiple choice format, a majority stated that their dishonesty about sexual issues had “no effect” but in an open-text format, a majority described more negative impacts, mainly the inability to address a relevant topic. A significant number of clients felt conflicted, guilty, or regretful about being dishonest, though some felt largely neutral; very few had positive feelings. When asked what would help facilitate honesty, about 80% of clients stated their wish for the therapist to “ask directly.” Some differences occurred in terms of specific facilitators based on topic. For instance, clients who had concealed a more overtly sexual topic (e.g., “details of my sex life” and “my sexual desires or fantasies”) wanted the therapist to normalize or provide a rationale for why it would be helpful to disclose; clients who concealed their sexual orientation wished for the therapist to display cultural competence and to ensure the safety of the relationship; and clients concealing infidelity were unsure if there was anything the therapist could do.
Limitations: The findings of this study may be limited in its generalizability due to a few key factors. First, the sample contained a majority of highly educated Caucasian female clients, which mirrors the therapy-seeking population but may not accurately reflect the concerns of male or minority clients. Second, it was comprised solely of individuals who were willing to speak more about their experience in therapy, while the follow-up samples contained respondents who identified that a sexual topic had been hardest to talk about in therapy. Finally, self-report data is by its very nature limited by the willingness of clients to answer accurately. As such, it is unclear how these data extend to the general or clinical population more broadly.
Conclusions: The concerns expressed by clients suggest that shame and the anticipation of a negative therapist reaction primarily motivate sexual dishonesty, and that direct inquiry by the therapist can help alleviate both of these interconnected worries by signaling that sex is a welcomed topic of disclosure. These findings also indicate the high prevalence of dishonesty about a spectrum of sexual topics and highlight the way that clients tend to avoid these discussions, which further supports the need for more active therapist intervention to frame the rationale and normalize honest discussion about clinically relevant sexual material.
Subjects: Clinical psychology Psychotherapy Therapist and patient Sex
Monday, October 7, 2019
China: Military-Technological Superiority and the Limits of Imitation, Reverse Engineering, and Cyber Espionage
Why China Has Not Caught Up Yet: Military-Technological Superiority and the Limits of Imitation, Reverse Engineering, and Cyber Espionage. Andrea Gilli and Mauro Gilli. International Security, Volume 43 , No. 3, Winter 2018/19, p.141-189, February 15, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00337
Abstract: Can countries easily imitate the United States' advanced weapon systems and thus erode its military-technological superiority? Scholarship in international relations theory generally assumes that rising states benefit from the “advantage of backwardness.” That is, by free riding on the research and technology of the most advanced countries, less developed states can allegedly close the military-technological gap with their rivals relatively easily and quickly. More recent works maintain that globalization, the emergence of dual-use components, and advances in communications have facilitated this process. This literature is built on shaky theoretical foundations, however, and its claims lack empirical support. In particular, it largely ignores one of the most important changes to have occurred in the realm of weapons development since the second industrial revolution: the exponential increase in the complexity of military technology. This increase in complexity has promoted a change in the system of production that has made the imitation and replication of the performance of state-of-the-art weapon systems harder—so much so as to offset the diffusing effects of globalization and advances in communications. An examination of the British-German naval rivalry (1890–1915) and China's efforts to imitate U.S. stealth fighters supports these findings.
---
Three developments help account for the increase in the complexity of military technology since the second industrial revolution. First, the number of components in military platforms has risen dramatically: in the 1930s, a combat aircraft consisted of hundreds of components, a figure that surged into the tens of thousands in the 1950s and to 300,000 in the 2010s.49 As the number of components expands, the number of potential incompatibilities and vulnerabilities increases geometrically. Ensuring the proper functioning and mutual compatibility of all the components and of the whole system thus becomes increasingly difficult.50
Second, advancements in electronics, engineering, and material sciences have resulted in the components of major weapon systems becoming dramatically more sophisticated, leading military platforms to become “systems of systems.”51 Integrating large numbers of extremely advanced components, subsystems, and systems poses a daunting challenge. More sophisticated components have extremely low tolerances, which in turn require a degree of accuracy and precision in design, development, and manufacturing that was unthinkable a century ago.52 For instance, aircraft engines in the 1900s and 1910s were “crude” mechanical devices that self-taught individuals could design, assemble, and install in their own repair shops.53 In contrast, the production of today's aircraft engines is so technologically demanding that only a handful of producers around the world possess the necessary technical expertise.54 Consider that in turbofan engines, a “close clearance between [a rotary] part and its surroundings can be critical. One-tenth of 1 millimeter [i.e., 0.00393 inch] variation in dimension can have a significant impact on system compatibility.”55 The same is true of materials, electronics, and software, where minor imprecisions can have dramatic consequences.56 For example, in modern jet fighters, software controls everything, from the operation of radars to the supply of oxygen. The expansion of onboard software functions is reflected in the increase in the number of software code lines from 1,000 in the F-4 Phantom II (1958), to 1.7 million in the F-22 (2006), and to 5.6 million in the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter/Lightning II (2015).57 Even a minor problem in those millions of lines of code could ground the aircraft or prove fatal.58 This level of sophistication explains why software engineering is responsible for most of the delays and of the problems seen in advanced weapon systems.59 Third, modern weapon systems can now perform in extraordinarily demanding environmental and operational conditions, thanks to improvements in all metrics (e.g., speed, altitude ceiling for aircraft, and collapse depth for submarines).60 These improvements, however, have increased the likelihood of technical problems.61 The more sophisticated a component is, the more likely minor environmental changes will affect its performance.62 In addition, as technological advances permit weapon systems to operate in once unfamiliar environmental conditions, designers and engineers are forced to deal with previously unknown physical phenomena.63
[...]
After World War II, the advent of rocket engines, radio communications, automatic guidance and control, and high-speed aerodynamics created new challenges. In response, aircraft manufacturers had to broaden and deepen their knowledge base to include fields such as weapons design, avionics, and material structures, as well as the training of aircrews, combat tactics, and, most importantly, human physiology and atmospheric sciences.96 With supersonic speed and subsequent advances, the number and sophistication of disciplines required for aircraft development expanded to the point of being well ahead of scientific knowledge and understanding.97 Work on the SR-71 Blackbird exemplifies these trends. Because of the friction resulting from flying at three times the speed of sound, the body of the Blackbird was exposed to temperatures above 600°F. To address the resulting problems, Lockheed had to develop “special fuels, structural materials, manufacturing tools and techniques, hydraulic fluid, fuel-tank sealants, paints, plastic, wiring and connecting plugs, as well as basic aircraft and engine design.”98 With the transition to fly-by-wire, the absorptive capacity requirements grew by an order of magnitude, as aircraft production expanded to a broad set of highly demanding fields such as electronics, computer science, and communications, with “software construction [being] the most difficult problem in engineering.”99 Moreover, given the nature of these disciplines, the margin for error has continued to shrink: a minor glitch in the software or the exposure of the hardware to unforgiving conditions (e.g., extreme heat, cold, or humidity) can be fatal.100
[...]
In the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, manufacturing benefited from unprecedented and possibly unique synergies and economies of scope.102 The relatively low level of technological complexity imposed fairly loose requirements, permitting the adoption across different industries of the same machine tools, the same industrial processes, and the same know-how.103 For instance, problems related to automobile production were “not fundamentally different from those which had already been developed for products such as bicycles and sewing machines.”104 As a result, “the skills acquired in producing sewing machines and bicycles greatly facilitated the production of the automobile.”105 With mass production, the opportunities for synergies and economies of scope among different industries expanded even further.106 Automobile manufacturers during World War I could easily enter the business of aircraft and tank production by exploiting their existing industrial facilities and know-how.107 Within a year of starting to produce aircraft engines, Rolls-Royce was delivering a very reliable and high-performing engine (the “Eagle”). Similarly, during the war, the company adapted its “Silver Ghost” chassis, the same used by King George, into an armored car that proved effective during the British campaign in the Middle Eastern desert.108 Even during World War II, when the level of complexity of military technology was substantially higher than during World War I, the United States and the Soviet Union were able to convert their civilian manufacturing activities to military production at a pace and to a degree that would be unimaginable today109 As Richard Overy summarizes, “Manufacturing technically complex weapons … [such as] heavy bombers … with the methods used for Cadillacs … ultimately proved amenable.”110
Abstract: Can countries easily imitate the United States' advanced weapon systems and thus erode its military-technological superiority? Scholarship in international relations theory generally assumes that rising states benefit from the “advantage of backwardness.” That is, by free riding on the research and technology of the most advanced countries, less developed states can allegedly close the military-technological gap with their rivals relatively easily and quickly. More recent works maintain that globalization, the emergence of dual-use components, and advances in communications have facilitated this process. This literature is built on shaky theoretical foundations, however, and its claims lack empirical support. In particular, it largely ignores one of the most important changes to have occurred in the realm of weapons development since the second industrial revolution: the exponential increase in the complexity of military technology. This increase in complexity has promoted a change in the system of production that has made the imitation and replication of the performance of state-of-the-art weapon systems harder—so much so as to offset the diffusing effects of globalization and advances in communications. An examination of the British-German naval rivalry (1890–1915) and China's efforts to imitate U.S. stealth fighters supports these findings.
---
Three developments help account for the increase in the complexity of military technology since the second industrial revolution. First, the number of components in military platforms has risen dramatically: in the 1930s, a combat aircraft consisted of hundreds of components, a figure that surged into the tens of thousands in the 1950s and to 300,000 in the 2010s.49 As the number of components expands, the number of potential incompatibilities and vulnerabilities increases geometrically. Ensuring the proper functioning and mutual compatibility of all the components and of the whole system thus becomes increasingly difficult.50
Second, advancements in electronics, engineering, and material sciences have resulted in the components of major weapon systems becoming dramatically more sophisticated, leading military platforms to become “systems of systems.”51 Integrating large numbers of extremely advanced components, subsystems, and systems poses a daunting challenge. More sophisticated components have extremely low tolerances, which in turn require a degree of accuracy and precision in design, development, and manufacturing that was unthinkable a century ago.52 For instance, aircraft engines in the 1900s and 1910s were “crude” mechanical devices that self-taught individuals could design, assemble, and install in their own repair shops.53 In contrast, the production of today's aircraft engines is so technologically demanding that only a handful of producers around the world possess the necessary technical expertise.54 Consider that in turbofan engines, a “close clearance between [a rotary] part and its surroundings can be critical. One-tenth of 1 millimeter [i.e., 0.00393 inch] variation in dimension can have a significant impact on system compatibility.”55 The same is true of materials, electronics, and software, where minor imprecisions can have dramatic consequences.56 For example, in modern jet fighters, software controls everything, from the operation of radars to the supply of oxygen. The expansion of onboard software functions is reflected in the increase in the number of software code lines from 1,000 in the F-4 Phantom II (1958), to 1.7 million in the F-22 (2006), and to 5.6 million in the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter/Lightning II (2015).57 Even a minor problem in those millions of lines of code could ground the aircraft or prove fatal.58 This level of sophistication explains why software engineering is responsible for most of the delays and of the problems seen in advanced weapon systems.59 Third, modern weapon systems can now perform in extraordinarily demanding environmental and operational conditions, thanks to improvements in all metrics (e.g., speed, altitude ceiling for aircraft, and collapse depth for submarines).60 These improvements, however, have increased the likelihood of technical problems.61 The more sophisticated a component is, the more likely minor environmental changes will affect its performance.62 In addition, as technological advances permit weapon systems to operate in once unfamiliar environmental conditions, designers and engineers are forced to deal with previously unknown physical phenomena.63
[...]
After World War II, the advent of rocket engines, radio communications, automatic guidance and control, and high-speed aerodynamics created new challenges. In response, aircraft manufacturers had to broaden and deepen their knowledge base to include fields such as weapons design, avionics, and material structures, as well as the training of aircrews, combat tactics, and, most importantly, human physiology and atmospheric sciences.96 With supersonic speed and subsequent advances, the number and sophistication of disciplines required for aircraft development expanded to the point of being well ahead of scientific knowledge and understanding.97 Work on the SR-71 Blackbird exemplifies these trends. Because of the friction resulting from flying at three times the speed of sound, the body of the Blackbird was exposed to temperatures above 600°F. To address the resulting problems, Lockheed had to develop “special fuels, structural materials, manufacturing tools and techniques, hydraulic fluid, fuel-tank sealants, paints, plastic, wiring and connecting plugs, as well as basic aircraft and engine design.”98 With the transition to fly-by-wire, the absorptive capacity requirements grew by an order of magnitude, as aircraft production expanded to a broad set of highly demanding fields such as electronics, computer science, and communications, with “software construction [being] the most difficult problem in engineering.”99 Moreover, given the nature of these disciplines, the margin for error has continued to shrink: a minor glitch in the software or the exposure of the hardware to unforgiving conditions (e.g., extreme heat, cold, or humidity) can be fatal.100
[...]
In the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, manufacturing benefited from unprecedented and possibly unique synergies and economies of scope.102 The relatively low level of technological complexity imposed fairly loose requirements, permitting the adoption across different industries of the same machine tools, the same industrial processes, and the same know-how.103 For instance, problems related to automobile production were “not fundamentally different from those which had already been developed for products such as bicycles and sewing machines.”104 As a result, “the skills acquired in producing sewing machines and bicycles greatly facilitated the production of the automobile.”105 With mass production, the opportunities for synergies and economies of scope among different industries expanded even further.106 Automobile manufacturers during World War I could easily enter the business of aircraft and tank production by exploiting their existing industrial facilities and know-how.107 Within a year of starting to produce aircraft engines, Rolls-Royce was delivering a very reliable and high-performing engine (the “Eagle”). Similarly, during the war, the company adapted its “Silver Ghost” chassis, the same used by King George, into an armored car that proved effective during the British campaign in the Middle Eastern desert.108 Even during World War II, when the level of complexity of military technology was substantially higher than during World War I, the United States and the Soviet Union were able to convert their civilian manufacturing activities to military production at a pace and to a degree that would be unimaginable today109 As Richard Overy summarizes, “Manufacturing technically complex weapons … [such as] heavy bombers … with the methods used for Cadillacs … ultimately proved amenable.”110
Female perpetrators and the Postrefusal Sexual Persistence Scale: nonverbal sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and deception, exploitation of the intoxicated, and use of physical force or threats
Sexual Coercion by Women: The Influence of Pornography and Narcissistic and Histrionic Personality Disorder Traits. Abigail Hughes, Gayle Brewer, Roxanne Khan. Archives of Sexual Behavior, October 7 2019. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-019-01538-4
Abstract: Largely overlooked in the literature, this study investigated factors influencing women’s use of sexual coercion. Specifically, pornography use and personality disorder traits linked with poor impulse control, emotional regulation, and superior sense of sexual desirability were considered. Women (N = 142) aged 16–53 years (M = 24.23, SD = 7.06) were recruited from community and student populations. Participants completed the Narcissistic and Histrionic subscales of the Personality Diagnostic Questionnaire-4, in addition to the Cyber-Pornography Use Inventory to explore the influence of their pornography use (interest, efforts to engage with pornography, and compulsivity) on their use of sexual coercion. This was measured using four subscales of the Postrefusal Sexual Persistence Scale: nonverbal sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and deception, exploitation of the intoxicated, and use of physical force or threats. Multiple regression analyses revealed that pornography use, narcissistic traits, and histrionic traits significantly predicted the use of nonverbal sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and deception, and exploitation of the intoxicated. Effort to engage with pornography was a significant individual predictor of nonverbal sexual arousal and emotional manipulation and deception, while histrionic traits were a significant individual predictor of exploitation of the intoxicated. Findings were discussed in relation to existing sexual coercion literature and potential future research.
Keywords: Female perpetration Histrionic personality traits Narcissistic personality traits Sexually explicit material
Introduction
Sexual aggression research has historically focused on male perpetration and female victimization. This approach most likely reflects the global pervasiveness of men’s sexual violence and perceptions of women as sexually passive (Denov, 2017; Krahé & Berger, 2013). However, females also sexually aggress against unwilling partners (Erulkar, 2004; Hines, 2007) and researchers have increasingly acknowledged nuances in how this might be expressed (e.g., by harassment, abuse, and coercion) (Grayston & De Luca, 1999; Ménard, Hall, Phung, Ghebrial, & Martin, 2003). Despite this, and the negative physical and psychological consequences experienced by male victims (Visser, Smith, Rissel, Richters, & Grulich, 2003), a dominant gendered perspective has resulted in a relative paucity of information on factors that may explain female sexual aggression (Campbell & Kohut, 2017; Denov, 2017). This area is worthy of investigation as pathways to sexual aggression differ for men and women (Krahé & Berger, 2017), and factors associated with sexual coercion by men may not be generalizable to female perpetrators. Indeed, Schatzel-Murphy, Harris, Knight, and Milburn (2009) found that while men and women’s sexually coercive behavior may be similar, factors symptomatic of its use might be different, with sexual compulsivity (i.e., difficulty controlling sexual urges) shown to be a dynamic influence for females. Our study, therefore, aimed to investigate factors associated with sexual compulsivity in women that might explain their use of sexually coercive behavior. Specifically, the influence of three elements of pornography use (interest, efforts to engage with pornography, and compulsivity) and narcissistic and histrionic personality traits was explored due to associations in the literature with coercive sexual tactics to obtain intimate relations.
Sexual coercion lies on the sexual aggression continuum and is defined as “the act of using pressure, alcohol or drugs, or force to have sexual contact with someone against his or her will” (Struckman-Johnson, Struckman-Johnson, & Anderson, 2003, p.76). Sexual coercion may include a range of behaviors that can be separated into four categories of increasing exploitation: (1) sexual arousal (e.g., persistent kissing and touching), (2) emotional manipulation (e.g., blackmail, questioning, or using authority), (3) alcohol and drug intoxication (e.g., purposefully getting a person drunk or taking advantage while intoxicated), and (4) physical force or threats (e.g., using physical harm). As a large body of research has established that men are more likely than women to perpetrate sexual coercion (see Krahé et al., 2015), this has overshadowed evidence that a proportion of women also report using a range of sexually coercive behavior (e.g., Hoffmann & Verona, 2018; Krahé, Waizenhöfer, & Möller, 2003; Ménard et al., 2003; Muñoz, Khan, & Cordwell, 2011; Russell & Oswald, 2001, 2002; Struckman-Johnson et al., 2003). While single studies have found female perpetration rates as high as 26% (compared to 43% for males) (see Struckman-Johnson et al., 2003), in an overview of the literature, Hines (2007) estimated rates between 10 and 20% for verbal sexual coercion, and 1 and 3% for physically forced sexual intercourse.
Due to higher rates of male perpetration, it is perhaps not surprising that fewer studies have focused on correlates of women’s sexually coercive behavior. Studies have reported that influential factors for women include peer pressure to have sex (e.g., Krahé et al., 2003), sexual compulsivity (Schatzel-Murphy et al., 2009), antagonistic attitudes toward sexual relationships (e.g., Anderson, 1996; Christopher, Madura, & Weaver, 1998; Yost & Zurbriggen, 2006), and sexual victimization experiences (e.g., Anderson, 1996; Krahé et al., 2003; Russell & Oswald, 2001). Further studies have documented the influence of a hostile personality with a dominant interpersonal style (Ménard et al., 2003) a manipulative, game-playing approach to forming intimate relations (Russell & Oswald, 2001, 2002), and pornography use (e.g., Kernsmith & Kernsmith, 2009a) thereby providing the rationale for this study.
Women’s Use of Pornography
Pornography refers to sexually explicit material developed and consumed to stimulate sexual arousal, available in versatile forms (e.g., photographs and videos) and often accessed online (Campbell & Kohut, 2017). Research has historically focused on the manner in which exposure to pornographic material influences men’s sexual attitudes and conduct. For example, it is argued that men’s use of pornography is related to sexual objectification of partners (Tylka, & Kroon Van Diest, 2015) and sexually coercive behavior (Stanley et al., 2018). Compulsive consumption of pornographic material, in particular, may be closely related to men’s sexually aggressive behavior (Gonsalves, Hodges, & Scalora, 2015). Research indicates that women also engage with pornography, although to a lesser extent than men (Ashton, McDonald, & Kirkman, 2018; Rissel, Richters, de Visser, McKee, Yeung, & Caruana, 2017). Due to disparities in methodology, estimates of women’s pornography use vary significantly across studies, ranging from 1 to 88% depending on the sample and operational definition of pornography (Campbell & Kohut, 2017). In a review of their annual statistics, Pornhub, a large Internet pornography website, reported that just over a quarter of their visitors were women and that their top trending1 search throughout 2017 was “porn for women,” representing a 1400% increase (Pornhub Insights, 2018). While some studies report that females were more likely to use pornography with a partner (e.g., Ševčíková & Daneback, 2014), other studies have found that their pornography use was more likely and more frequent when alone than with a partner (Fisher, Kohut, & Campbell, 2017).
Consistent with studies of men’s pornography consumption, research has found women’s use of pornography to be associated with attitudes toward sex, sexual conduct, and sexual activities (e.g., number of sexual partners) (Wright, Bae, & Funk, 2013). This is supported further by a recent meta-analysis that found, similar to men, women’s pornography use was associated with sexual aggression, both verbally (i.e., “verbally coercive but not physically threatening communication to obtain sex, and sexual harassment”) and physically (i.e., “use or threat of physical force to obtain sex”) (Wright, Tokunaga, & Kraus, 2016, p.191). The small number of studies in this area has meant the extent to which women’s use of pornography influences their sexually aggressive behavior remains unclear. In one such study, it was found that pornography use predicted all forms of sexual aggression in women (i.e., extortion, deceit, obligation, and emotional manipulation) except for physical violence and intimidation (Kernsmith & Kernsmith, 2009a). The dearth of literature available indicates there is scope to investigate this further, thus we consider three elements of women’s pornography use, that is (1) interest in pornography, (2) efforts to engage with pornography, in additional to (3) pornography compulsivity, which is largely overlooked despite its association with men’s sexual aggression (e.g., Gonsalves et al., 2015).
Narcissistic and Histrionic Personality Disorder Traits
Personality traits may also influence the likelihood of sexually aggressive behavior in women (Krahé et al., 2003; Russell, Doan, & King, 2017). Characteristics of the dramatic, emotional, and erratic Cluster B personality disorders (associated with poor impulse control, emotional regulation, and anger) may be particularly influential on sexual aggression (Mouilso & Calhoun, 2016). For example, narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), found in both men (7.7%) and women (4.8%) and overall in 6.2% of the general population (Stinson et al., 2008), is characterized by a grandiose sense of the self, entitlement, and low empathy for others (Emmons, 1984). In men, narcissistic personality traits are positively associated with rape supportive beliefs and negatively associated with empathy for rape victims (Bushman, Bonacci, van Dijk, & Baumeister, 2003), while NPD is related to perpetration of sexual aggression (Mouilso & Calhoun, 2016). Women with higher levels of narcissism display more negative relationship communication (Lamkin, Lavner, & Shaffer, 2017) and are more likely to engage in sexual harassment (Zeigler-Hill, Besser, Morag, & Campbell, 2016). Pertinently, narcissism is associated with women’s perpetration of sexual coercion (Kjellgren, Priebe, Svedin, Mossige, & Långström, 2011; Logan, 2008), with the entitlement/exploitativeness dimension found to be most influential (Blinkhorn, Lyons, & Almond, 2015; Ryan, Weikel, & Sprechini, 2008). Additionally, females high in narcissism were found to be just as likely as their male counterparts to react with persistence and sexually coercive tactics after being denied during a sexual advance (Blinkhorn et al., 2015). In part, this behavior may reflect the tendency for narcissistic individuals to engage in sex in order to fulfill their need for self-affirmation (Gewirtz-Meydan, 2017).
Found in 1–3% of general population (Torgersen et al., 2000) and reported twice more in women than in men (Torgersen, Kringlen, & Cramer, 2001), traits associated with histrionic personality disorder (HPD) are far less explored than NPD in relation to sexual coercion. This is somewhat surprising as defining characteristics of HPD include excessively emotional, impulsive, attention seeking behavior, and inappropriate or competitive sexual conduct (APA, 2013; Dorfman, 2010; Stone, 2005). Emotionally manipulative and intolerant of delayed gratification (Bornstein & Malka, 2009; Stone, 2005), women with HPD demand confirmation and attention from intimate partners (AlaviHejazi, Fatehizade, Bahrami, & Etemadi, 2016). A study that compared women with HPD to a matched control group without personality disorders found they were more likely to have been sexually unfaithful and report greater sexual preoccupation and sexual boredom with lower levels of sexual assertiveness and relationship satisfaction (Apt & Hurlbert, 1994). Furthermore, Apt and Hurlbert considered that HPD behavioral traits were indicative of sexual narcissism, while Widiger and Trull (2007) noted that HPD and NPD traits were likely to co-occur. The dominant, manipulative, and sexually compulsive behavioral traits found in these studies of women with NPD and HPD are pertinent as they align with extant studies reporting factors underpinning women’s perpetration of sexual coercion (e.g., Russell & Oswald, 2001, 2002; Schatzel-Murphy et al., 2009) and pornography use (e.g., Wright et al., 2013, 2016). Hence, additional research is necessary to examine the influence of both HPD and NPD traits and pornography use on women’s use of sexual aggression.
Check also Tactics of sexual coercion: when men and women won't take no for an answer. Struckman-Johnson C1, Struckman-Johnson D, Anderson PB. J Sex Res. 2003 Feb;40(1):76-86. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00224490309552168
Abstract: We investigated women's and men's reports of experiencing and using tactics of postrefusal sexual persistence, defined as persistent attempts to have sexual contact with someone who has already refused. Participants were 275 men and 381 women at Midwestern and Southern universities. More women (78%) than men (58%) reported having been subjected to such tactics since age 16; this difference was significant for the categories of sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication, and for two tactics within the physical force category (physical restraint and threats of harm). More men (40%) than women (26%) reported having used such tactics; this difference was significant for the sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication categories. We present participants' written descriptions of their experiences.
Abstract: Largely overlooked in the literature, this study investigated factors influencing women’s use of sexual coercion. Specifically, pornography use and personality disorder traits linked with poor impulse control, emotional regulation, and superior sense of sexual desirability were considered. Women (N = 142) aged 16–53 years (M = 24.23, SD = 7.06) were recruited from community and student populations. Participants completed the Narcissistic and Histrionic subscales of the Personality Diagnostic Questionnaire-4, in addition to the Cyber-Pornography Use Inventory to explore the influence of their pornography use (interest, efforts to engage with pornography, and compulsivity) on their use of sexual coercion. This was measured using four subscales of the Postrefusal Sexual Persistence Scale: nonverbal sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and deception, exploitation of the intoxicated, and use of physical force or threats. Multiple regression analyses revealed that pornography use, narcissistic traits, and histrionic traits significantly predicted the use of nonverbal sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and deception, and exploitation of the intoxicated. Effort to engage with pornography was a significant individual predictor of nonverbal sexual arousal and emotional manipulation and deception, while histrionic traits were a significant individual predictor of exploitation of the intoxicated. Findings were discussed in relation to existing sexual coercion literature and potential future research.
Keywords: Female perpetration Histrionic personality traits Narcissistic personality traits Sexually explicit material
Introduction
Sexual aggression research has historically focused on male perpetration and female victimization. This approach most likely reflects the global pervasiveness of men’s sexual violence and perceptions of women as sexually passive (Denov, 2017; Krahé & Berger, 2013). However, females also sexually aggress against unwilling partners (Erulkar, 2004; Hines, 2007) and researchers have increasingly acknowledged nuances in how this might be expressed (e.g., by harassment, abuse, and coercion) (Grayston & De Luca, 1999; Ménard, Hall, Phung, Ghebrial, & Martin, 2003). Despite this, and the negative physical and psychological consequences experienced by male victims (Visser, Smith, Rissel, Richters, & Grulich, 2003), a dominant gendered perspective has resulted in a relative paucity of information on factors that may explain female sexual aggression (Campbell & Kohut, 2017; Denov, 2017). This area is worthy of investigation as pathways to sexual aggression differ for men and women (Krahé & Berger, 2017), and factors associated with sexual coercion by men may not be generalizable to female perpetrators. Indeed, Schatzel-Murphy, Harris, Knight, and Milburn (2009) found that while men and women’s sexually coercive behavior may be similar, factors symptomatic of its use might be different, with sexual compulsivity (i.e., difficulty controlling sexual urges) shown to be a dynamic influence for females. Our study, therefore, aimed to investigate factors associated with sexual compulsivity in women that might explain their use of sexually coercive behavior. Specifically, the influence of three elements of pornography use (interest, efforts to engage with pornography, and compulsivity) and narcissistic and histrionic personality traits was explored due to associations in the literature with coercive sexual tactics to obtain intimate relations.
Sexual coercion lies on the sexual aggression continuum and is defined as “the act of using pressure, alcohol or drugs, or force to have sexual contact with someone against his or her will” (Struckman-Johnson, Struckman-Johnson, & Anderson, 2003, p.76). Sexual coercion may include a range of behaviors that can be separated into four categories of increasing exploitation: (1) sexual arousal (e.g., persistent kissing and touching), (2) emotional manipulation (e.g., blackmail, questioning, or using authority), (3) alcohol and drug intoxication (e.g., purposefully getting a person drunk or taking advantage while intoxicated), and (4) physical force or threats (e.g., using physical harm). As a large body of research has established that men are more likely than women to perpetrate sexual coercion (see Krahé et al., 2015), this has overshadowed evidence that a proportion of women also report using a range of sexually coercive behavior (e.g., Hoffmann & Verona, 2018; Krahé, Waizenhöfer, & Möller, 2003; Ménard et al., 2003; Muñoz, Khan, & Cordwell, 2011; Russell & Oswald, 2001, 2002; Struckman-Johnson et al., 2003). While single studies have found female perpetration rates as high as 26% (compared to 43% for males) (see Struckman-Johnson et al., 2003), in an overview of the literature, Hines (2007) estimated rates between 10 and 20% for verbal sexual coercion, and 1 and 3% for physically forced sexual intercourse.
Due to higher rates of male perpetration, it is perhaps not surprising that fewer studies have focused on correlates of women’s sexually coercive behavior. Studies have reported that influential factors for women include peer pressure to have sex (e.g., Krahé et al., 2003), sexual compulsivity (Schatzel-Murphy et al., 2009), antagonistic attitudes toward sexual relationships (e.g., Anderson, 1996; Christopher, Madura, & Weaver, 1998; Yost & Zurbriggen, 2006), and sexual victimization experiences (e.g., Anderson, 1996; Krahé et al., 2003; Russell & Oswald, 2001). Further studies have documented the influence of a hostile personality with a dominant interpersonal style (Ménard et al., 2003) a manipulative, game-playing approach to forming intimate relations (Russell & Oswald, 2001, 2002), and pornography use (e.g., Kernsmith & Kernsmith, 2009a) thereby providing the rationale for this study.
Women’s Use of Pornography
Pornography refers to sexually explicit material developed and consumed to stimulate sexual arousal, available in versatile forms (e.g., photographs and videos) and often accessed online (Campbell & Kohut, 2017). Research has historically focused on the manner in which exposure to pornographic material influences men’s sexual attitudes and conduct. For example, it is argued that men’s use of pornography is related to sexual objectification of partners (Tylka, & Kroon Van Diest, 2015) and sexually coercive behavior (Stanley et al., 2018). Compulsive consumption of pornographic material, in particular, may be closely related to men’s sexually aggressive behavior (Gonsalves, Hodges, & Scalora, 2015). Research indicates that women also engage with pornography, although to a lesser extent than men (Ashton, McDonald, & Kirkman, 2018; Rissel, Richters, de Visser, McKee, Yeung, & Caruana, 2017). Due to disparities in methodology, estimates of women’s pornography use vary significantly across studies, ranging from 1 to 88% depending on the sample and operational definition of pornography (Campbell & Kohut, 2017). In a review of their annual statistics, Pornhub, a large Internet pornography website, reported that just over a quarter of their visitors were women and that their top trending1 search throughout 2017 was “porn for women,” representing a 1400% increase (Pornhub Insights, 2018). While some studies report that females were more likely to use pornography with a partner (e.g., Ševčíková & Daneback, 2014), other studies have found that their pornography use was more likely and more frequent when alone than with a partner (Fisher, Kohut, & Campbell, 2017).
Consistent with studies of men’s pornography consumption, research has found women’s use of pornography to be associated with attitudes toward sex, sexual conduct, and sexual activities (e.g., number of sexual partners) (Wright, Bae, & Funk, 2013). This is supported further by a recent meta-analysis that found, similar to men, women’s pornography use was associated with sexual aggression, both verbally (i.e., “verbally coercive but not physically threatening communication to obtain sex, and sexual harassment”) and physically (i.e., “use or threat of physical force to obtain sex”) (Wright, Tokunaga, & Kraus, 2016, p.191). The small number of studies in this area has meant the extent to which women’s use of pornography influences their sexually aggressive behavior remains unclear. In one such study, it was found that pornography use predicted all forms of sexual aggression in women (i.e., extortion, deceit, obligation, and emotional manipulation) except for physical violence and intimidation (Kernsmith & Kernsmith, 2009a). The dearth of literature available indicates there is scope to investigate this further, thus we consider three elements of women’s pornography use, that is (1) interest in pornography, (2) efforts to engage with pornography, in additional to (3) pornography compulsivity, which is largely overlooked despite its association with men’s sexual aggression (e.g., Gonsalves et al., 2015).
Narcissistic and Histrionic Personality Disorder Traits
Personality traits may also influence the likelihood of sexually aggressive behavior in women (Krahé et al., 2003; Russell, Doan, & King, 2017). Characteristics of the dramatic, emotional, and erratic Cluster B personality disorders (associated with poor impulse control, emotional regulation, and anger) may be particularly influential on sexual aggression (Mouilso & Calhoun, 2016). For example, narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), found in both men (7.7%) and women (4.8%) and overall in 6.2% of the general population (Stinson et al., 2008), is characterized by a grandiose sense of the self, entitlement, and low empathy for others (Emmons, 1984). In men, narcissistic personality traits are positively associated with rape supportive beliefs and negatively associated with empathy for rape victims (Bushman, Bonacci, van Dijk, & Baumeister, 2003), while NPD is related to perpetration of sexual aggression (Mouilso & Calhoun, 2016). Women with higher levels of narcissism display more negative relationship communication (Lamkin, Lavner, & Shaffer, 2017) and are more likely to engage in sexual harassment (Zeigler-Hill, Besser, Morag, & Campbell, 2016). Pertinently, narcissism is associated with women’s perpetration of sexual coercion (Kjellgren, Priebe, Svedin, Mossige, & Långström, 2011; Logan, 2008), with the entitlement/exploitativeness dimension found to be most influential (Blinkhorn, Lyons, & Almond, 2015; Ryan, Weikel, & Sprechini, 2008). Additionally, females high in narcissism were found to be just as likely as their male counterparts to react with persistence and sexually coercive tactics after being denied during a sexual advance (Blinkhorn et al., 2015). In part, this behavior may reflect the tendency for narcissistic individuals to engage in sex in order to fulfill their need for self-affirmation (Gewirtz-Meydan, 2017).
Found in 1–3% of general population (Torgersen et al., 2000) and reported twice more in women than in men (Torgersen, Kringlen, & Cramer, 2001), traits associated with histrionic personality disorder (HPD) are far less explored than NPD in relation to sexual coercion. This is somewhat surprising as defining characteristics of HPD include excessively emotional, impulsive, attention seeking behavior, and inappropriate or competitive sexual conduct (APA, 2013; Dorfman, 2010; Stone, 2005). Emotionally manipulative and intolerant of delayed gratification (Bornstein & Malka, 2009; Stone, 2005), women with HPD demand confirmation and attention from intimate partners (AlaviHejazi, Fatehizade, Bahrami, & Etemadi, 2016). A study that compared women with HPD to a matched control group without personality disorders found they were more likely to have been sexually unfaithful and report greater sexual preoccupation and sexual boredom with lower levels of sexual assertiveness and relationship satisfaction (Apt & Hurlbert, 1994). Furthermore, Apt and Hurlbert considered that HPD behavioral traits were indicative of sexual narcissism, while Widiger and Trull (2007) noted that HPD and NPD traits were likely to co-occur. The dominant, manipulative, and sexually compulsive behavioral traits found in these studies of women with NPD and HPD are pertinent as they align with extant studies reporting factors underpinning women’s perpetration of sexual coercion (e.g., Russell & Oswald, 2001, 2002; Schatzel-Murphy et al., 2009) and pornography use (e.g., Wright et al., 2013, 2016). Hence, additional research is necessary to examine the influence of both HPD and NPD traits and pornography use on women’s use of sexual aggression.
Check also Tactics of sexual coercion: when men and women won't take no for an answer. Struckman-Johnson C1, Struckman-Johnson D, Anderson PB. J Sex Res. 2003 Feb;40(1):76-86. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00224490309552168
Abstract: We investigated women's and men's reports of experiencing and using tactics of postrefusal sexual persistence, defined as persistent attempts to have sexual contact with someone who has already refused. Participants were 275 men and 381 women at Midwestern and Southern universities. More women (78%) than men (58%) reported having been subjected to such tactics since age 16; this difference was significant for the categories of sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication, and for two tactics within the physical force category (physical restraint and threats of harm). More men (40%) than women (26%) reported having used such tactics; this difference was significant for the sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication categories. We present participants' written descriptions of their experiences.
Study on the economics of ethnic enclaves (communities with high concentrations of one ethnic group usually resulting from immigration patterns)
The Economics of Ethnic Enclaves. Alex Nowrasteh. Cato at Liberty, October 3, 2019. https://www.cato.org/blog/economics-ethnic-enclaves
Full text and links at the e-addres above.
Excerpts:
Ethnic enclaves are communities with high concentrations of one ethnic group usually resulting from immigration patterns. Many scholars believe that ethnic enclaves slow immigrant assimilation into American society, a phenomenon known as the “enclave thesis.” Recent academic literature on the enclave thesis has yielded mixed results, but there are also severe research design problems due to data limitations, a lack of definitional consensus, and seemingly insurmountable endogeneity. This post will analyze key findings within the ethnic enclave literature.
Background and Definitions
[...]
Major Findings
Many studies exploit the exogenous placement of refugees by governments as quasi-natural experiments to study how the assimilation rates of those placed in ethnic enclaves compare to those who do not settle in ethnic enclaves. Since government agencies make the settlement decisions for refugees, endogeneity is less of a concern. A recent study by the National Academy of Sciences by Linna Martén, Jens Hainmueller, and Dominik Hangartner (2019) analyzed the marginal effect of increased ethnic clustering on employment outcomes by using Switzerland’s dispersal placement program for recently arrived refugees. The program assigns refugees to specific regions in the country. This program allowed researchers to compare labor market outcomes between the government-placed refugees and non-refugee immigrants who chose to settle in ethnic enclaves. The study found that settling in an ethnic enclave increased the probability of employment in Switzerland. These effects were observed with respect to the number of co-nationals, ethnicity, and language concentration in said enclaves, indicating robust short- and medium-term results.
Sweden used a similar placement strategy for refugees. Economists Per-Anders Edin, Peter Fredriksson, and Olof Åslund (2003) discovered that a one standard deviation increase in an area’s co-ethnic population caused a 13 percent bump in earnings for low-skilled immigrants of the same ethnicity placed in the area by the government. Another study of an exogenous refugee-placement program in Denmark reached three conclusions: first, there is “strong evidence that refugees with unfavorable unobserved characteristics self‐select into ethnic enclaves. Second, a relative standard deviation increase in the ethnic enclave size increases annual earnings by 18 percent on average, irrespective of skill level. Third, further findings are consistent with the explanation that ethnic networks disseminate job information, which increases the job‐worker match quality and thereby the hourly wage rate.”
Some studies, however, suggest opposite employment effects, particularly for low-skilled immigrants in ethnic enclaves. For example, George Borjas (2000) measured the impact residential segregation has on “economic assimilation,” or the convergence of immigrant wages with their native-born counterparts. Borjas found that increased residential segregation led to adverse wage effects for both newly arrived and least-educated immigrants. He also observed that increased residential sorting into ethnic enclaves lowers the likelihood an immigrant will become English-proficient but increases the likelihood they will further their education. Borjas attributes these negative results to the lack of diversity within ethnic neighborhoods after 1965, suggesting that the increased homogeneity among immigrants is depressing labor market opportunities and assimilation practices.
The National Institutes of Health found that higher ethnic concentrations in enclaves yield negative employment effects for immigrants in the United States. Hispanic immigrants living in an enclave face an almost 11 percent reduction in earnings relative to Hispanics who live elsewhere, a figure which translates to an approximate $1.37 hourly wage reduction. The authors caution, however, that their small sample size may prevent their results from representing all ethnic groups.
Another study by economists Roberto Pedace and Stephanie Rohn Kumar (2012) evaluated the effects of increased ethnic concentrations on wages and employment propensities for several ethnic groups in the United States, including Mexicans, Central Americans, Cubans, Chinese, and Indians. For Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban males, the overall wage effects of living in an ethnic enclave were negative and statistically significant. For higher educated Korean and Indian immigrants, however, the opposite was true. In addition, economists Barry Chiswick and Paul Miller (2005) found that the costs of increased competition (supply) inside an ethnic enclave offset the potential economic gains from larger ethnic networks in California.
Entrepreneurship inside ethnic enclaves also affects whether their members receive net positive or negative economic impacts. Per-Anders Edin, Peter Fredriksson, Olof Åslund (2003) conclude that higher rates of ethnic self-employment put upward pressure on wages. Alejandro Portes (1987) describes the importance of Cuban-owned banking services that extended funds to recent immigrants with little collateral. These services immensely contributed to the entrepreneurial vibrancy of Miami, especially in the wake of the Mariel Boatlift. Additionally, economist Maude Toussaint-Comeau found that as the size of the ethnic network increases (an indicator of the enclave’s quality), so does the probability that immigrants are self-employed.
A major qualification in the above-cited literature is that increasing an enclave’s educational quality significantly improves employment outcomes and rates of cultural assimilation, such as English language acquisition. For instance, Anna Daam (2014) found that in Denmark, co-ethnics with higher skills and employment rates matter far more than the nominal size of the ethnic enclave. In other words, improving the human capital within and around the ethnic enclave has a far greater effect on immigrant economic success than whether or not immigrants live in ethnic enclaves. The Institute of Labor Economics surveyed the literature and observed that improved quality measures, like education and income, are more important than the scale of an enclave. Economists David M. Cutler, Edward L. Glaeser, Jacob L. Vigdor (2007) also found that an immigrant’s education is more important than his residence in an ethnic enclave. Another study indicates that increased legalization status for immigrants increases immigrant wages and the likelihood they will become naturalized citizens.
Discussion
[...]
Michael N. Peterson helped research and write this blog post.
Large increases in gasoline prices between the ages of 15-18 significantly reduce the likelihood of driving a private automobile to work & the total annual vehicle miles traveled later in life; also increases public transit use
Formative Experiences and the Price of Gasoline. Christopher Severen & Arthur A. van Benthem. Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia Working Paper WP 19-35, September 2019. https://doi.org/10.21799/frbp.wp.2019.3
Abstract: An individual’s initial experiences with a common good, such as gasoline, can shape their behavior for decades. We first show that the 1979 oil crisis had a persistent negative effect on the likelihood that individuals that came of driving age during this time drove to work in the year 2000 (i.e., in their mid 30s). The effect is stronger for those with lower incomes and those in cities. Combining data on many cohorts, we then show that large increases in gasoline prices between the ages of 15 and 18 significantly reduce both (i) the likelihood of driving a private automobile to work and (ii) total annual vehicle miles traveled later in life, while also increasing public transit use. Differences in driver license age requirements generate additional variation in the formative window. These effects cannot be explained by contemporaneous income and do not appear to be only due to increased costs from delayed driving skill acquisition. Instead, they seem to reflect the formation of preferences for driving or persistent changes in the perceived costs of driving.
Keywords: formative experiences, preference persistence, path dependence, drivingbehavior, gasoline price
JEL Codes: D12, D90, L91, Q41, R41
Abstract: An individual’s initial experiences with a common good, such as gasoline, can shape their behavior for decades. We first show that the 1979 oil crisis had a persistent negative effect on the likelihood that individuals that came of driving age during this time drove to work in the year 2000 (i.e., in their mid 30s). The effect is stronger for those with lower incomes and those in cities. Combining data on many cohorts, we then show that large increases in gasoline prices between the ages of 15 and 18 significantly reduce both (i) the likelihood of driving a private automobile to work and (ii) total annual vehicle miles traveled later in life, while also increasing public transit use. Differences in driver license age requirements generate additional variation in the formative window. These effects cannot be explained by contemporaneous income and do not appear to be only due to increased costs from delayed driving skill acquisition. Instead, they seem to reflect the formation of preferences for driving or persistent changes in the perceived costs of driving.
Keywords: formative experiences, preference persistence, path dependence, drivingbehavior, gasoline price
JEL Codes: D12, D90, L91, Q41, R41
Individual variations in the modular organization of functional brain networks: higher intelligence seems associated with higher temporal stability (lower temporal variability) of brain network modularity
Temporal stability of functional brain modules associated with human intelligence. Kirsten Hilger et al. Human Brain Mapping, October 6 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/hbm.24807
Abstract: Individual differences in general cognitive ability (i.e., intelligence) have been linked to individual variations in the modular organization of functional brain networks. However, these analyses have been limited to static (time‐averaged) connectivity, and have not yet addressed whether dynamic changes in the configuration of brain networks relate to general intelligence. Here, we used multiband functional MRI resting‐state data (N = 281) and estimated subject‐specific time‐varying functional connectivity networks. Modularity optimization was applied to determine individual time‐variant module partitions and to assess fluctuations in modularity across time. We show that higher intelligence, indexed by an established composite measure, the Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI), is associated with higher temporal stability (lower temporal variability) of brain network modularity. Post‐hoc analyses reveal that subjects with higher intelligence scores engage in fewer periods of extremely high modularity — which are characterized by greater disconnection of task‐positive from task‐negative networks. Further, we show that brain regions of the dorsal attention network contribute most to the observed effect. In sum, our study suggests that investigating the temporal dynamics of functional brain network topology contributes to our understanding of the neural bases of general cognitive abilities.
1 INTRODUCTION
Intelligence describes our ability to reason, to understand complex ideas, to learn from experiences, and to adapt effectively to the environment (Neisser et al., 1996). Understanding the biological bases of human intelligence is an important scientific aim, and neuroscientific research has begun to contribute insights about how individual differences in brain function (Duncan, 2005; Sripada, Angstadt, & Rutherford, 2018), brain structure (Gregory et al., 2016; Haier, Jung, Yeo, Head, & Alkire, 2004), and intrinsic brain connectivity (Hilger, Ekman, Fiebach, & Basten, 2017a; Van den Heuvel, Stam, Kahn, & Hulshoff Pol, 2009) relate to general intelligence (for review see Basten, Hilger, & Fiebach, 2015; Jung & Haier, 2007).
Recent years have seen an increasing interest in understanding how human cognition emerges from the intrinsic organization of functional brain networks (Park & Friston, 2013), often studied using functional MRI (fMRI) in the absence of task demands (i.e., under resting‐state conditions; Biswal, Yetkin, Haughton, & Hyde, 1995). The topology of these networks determines how information is transferred between brain regions, and graph theory provides a set of tools to study these topological characteristics (Rubinov & Sporns, 2010). In the field of intelligence research, early graph‐theoretical work proposed that global properties of brain networks such as higher global network efficiency are associated with higher intelligence (van den Heuvel et al., 2009), a finding not replicated in more recent studies (Kruschwitz, Waller, Daedelow, Walter, & Veer, 2018; Pamplona, Santos Neto, Rosset, Rogers, & Salmon, 2015). In contrast, other studies have suggested that intelligence is related to efficiency in the interconnections of specific brain regions (Hilger et al., 2017a). Graph‐theoretical investigations revealed further that the human brain exhibits a hierarchically modular organization with clusters of nodes (modules, subnetworks) that are densely connected among each other but only sparsely coupled to nodes in other modules (Meunier, Lambiotte, & Bullmore, 2010; Sporns & Betzel, 2016). A modular organization balances segregated and integrated information processing, both of which are important for human cognition (Cohen & D'Esposito, 2016). Region‐specific modularity was recently also shown to covary significantly with individual differences in general intelligence (Hilger, Ekman, Fiebach, & Basten, 2017b).
The functional brain network correlates of intelligence were so far mostly studied as a static (i.e., time‐invariant) property of the human brain, that is, by averaging time courses of neural activation across the entire duration of a resting‐state fMRI scan (typically 5–10 min). This approach, however, ignores that intrinsic brain networks vary substantially across time (Cohen, 2018; Lurie et al., 2018; Zalesky, Fornito, Cocchi, Gollo, & Breakspear, 2014). Importantly, it has been shown that the dynamic interplay between states of high integration (low modularity) versus high segregation (high modularity) is linked to different levels of attention (Shine, Koyejo, & Poldrack, 2016) and cognitive performance (Shine et al., 2016). These first results suggest that the study of network dynamics has great potential for providing insights into human cognition from a mechanistic point of view — and thus also for advancing our understanding about the neural mechanisms underlying different levels of general cognitive ability.
Here, we apply graph‐theoretical modularity analyses to resting‐state BOLD fMRI data from a large sample of healthy adult humans (N = 281) to test the hypothesis that intelligence covaries significantly with the amount of dynamic reconfiguration within modularly organized, intrinsic brain networks. Going beyond previous work, we measured global modularity at different spatial scales, to gain insights into the brain's intrinsic network architecture beyond an arbitrarily chosen resolution level. The results of this analysis replicate and extend our previous finding that intelligence is not related to global modularity of static (i.e., time‐invariant) networks (Hilger et al., 2017b). Most importantly, we observed an association between intelligence and dynamic network reconfiguration, such that more intelligent persons show greater stability of network segregation over time.
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Data Availability Statement: All data used in the current study can be accessed online under: http://fcon_1000.projects.nitrc.org/indi/enhanced/. The preprocessing pipeline CCS is also freely available to the public via GitHub (https://github.com/zuoxinian/CCS) or http://lfcd.psych.ac.cn/ccs.html. All further analysis code used in the current study has been deposited on GitHub (https://github.com/KirstenHilger/Dynamic‐Brain‐Network‐Modularity) and Zenodo (https://zenodo.org/record/2918712).
When evolution, human sexuality, and the Western world collide: We are failing to recognize that exciting, primal sex in a trusting, respectful relationship requires the same elements we vilify in men today
The End of Sex: When evolution, human sexuality, and the Western world collide. Marianne Brandon and James Simon. Psychology Today, Oct 06, 2019. https://www.psychologytoday.com/intl/blog/darwins-subterranean-world/201910/the-end-sex
Note: This article is a guest post co-authored by Drs. Marianne Brandon* and James Simon*, with an epilogue by the blog author, Glenn Geher.
Excerpts:
His wife having gone to bed early, he locked the basement door to ensure privacy. He had planned this moment all day. Unlike his wife, who seemingly had lost interest in sex years ago, his lover was waiting downstairs, eager to please.
Never critical or demanding, with such soft eyes and skin, sex had become such a pleasure. He had even come to love the way his lover pronounced his name. In spite of being a robot, she somehow managed to say it with such tenderness…..
We have become a massive, unintended sexual experiment. Our understanding of sex and gender is evolving at astonishing rates. Paradoxically, as powerful, exhilarating, and necessary as this process is for our collective future, we are simultaneously at a perilous moment for the future of intimacy and intimate relationships.
Forcing sex into a politically correct paradigm annihilates it.
Sexual frequency today is less than all prior decades studied—at least, people are having less sex with their partners. Rates of sexual dissatisfaction and sexual dysfunction are astoundingly high. This is due to a variety of factors that are merging to create a perfect storm—technological advances, mobile lifestyles, increasing daily tasks, rising expectations for long-term relationships, and information overload.
Yet there is something even more fundamentally awry. The very empowering of women and the culturally valued softening of men has suddenly created a new way of engaging in the bedroom as much as in the boardroom, and our evolutionary psychology has not caught up. This is a serious social problem because intimacy is not an expendable aspect of humanity.
Our insistence that men and women are more alike than different is true in almost all aspects of living, except for sex. Human sexuality—the sexuality of all mammals in general and primates in particular—has primal, biological roots. And when people work with, rather than against, these instincts, their sex gets better. Gender equality does not imply gender equivalence—at least, not in the bedroom.
The extraordinary gains provided by the feminist movement have been a thrilling first in modern history. Women’s expectations about sex have appropriately changed: They demand more pleasure from sex and an equal romantic partnership; women are more comfortable engaging in sexually open behaviors, including hook-ups and sexual experimentation.
It is not just women who have benefitted. In contrast to old-fashioned, male sexual stereotypes, many mature men today enjoy sexually assertive women. They appreciate a social climate that supports releasing restrictive pressures always to be ready and interested in sex: always having to be the sexual initiator, and being responsible for their partners’ sexual pleasure. These shifts are reflected in many men gravitating to sexual relationships with older women, their interest in being the primary caretaker of their children, and a decreased concern with being the primary breadwinner of a household.
Many men are pleased to have escaped the pressure of old-fashioned stereotypes of masculinity—being eternally dominant, carrying the financial burden of the household, having a reduced role in parenting, and avoiding emotional expression. And those who identify with a non-binary sexual identity may now live authentically, with freedom of self-expression.
In spite of these many hard-fought liberties for all genders, in some surprising and very significant ways, sex has become more complicated. In the privacy of our respective psychological medical practices, we regularly hear women say, “In the bedroom, he is passive. Almost meek. It’s hard to respect him, let alone have sex with him!” Or, “He’s so cautious and hesitant in the bedroom! It’s such a turnoff.”
Outside of sexual role play in certain fetishistic circles, for most women, there is no pleasure in sexually dominating a weaker partner. For women in long-term, committed relationships, the exquisite feeling of sexual surrender may paradoxically be more likely to unfold with men who express their sensuality in a more bold, self-assured style—literally, when she’s not the strongest force in the bedroom.
The truth is, modern women enjoy the more lusty, primal aspects of love-making. Polite sex holds little interest for them—they’d rather do the dishes. And what about men? Despite the valuable outing of abhorrent men via #MeToo, our culture is filled with men who respect women, and who long to share fulfilling sexual relationships with the women they love.
These men have learned that to show respect to their female partners, they should obtain verbal permission for sex, and to avoid at all costs any behavior in the bedroom that may be regarded as aggressive or dominant. This sounds right in theory. Yet behind the closed doors of our offices, wives and girlfriends experience these men as passive and uninteresting in the bedroom. And before long, sex ceases.
What we are failing to recognize is that exciting, primal sex in a trusting, respectful relationship requires the same elements we vilify in men today. We teach men to contain their sexual interest, resist assertive overtures, and hide their sexual longing. How confusing it must be for a man to develop a sensitive, responsive, polite sexual style, only to be ultimately told by the woman he marries that he is a boring and uninteresting lover. How depressing for a woman who is confident and secure in her sexuality to feel sexually unmet by the man who is to be her sexual playmate for a lifetime!
Experiencing her partner’s sexual confidence and longing is a fundamental aspect of good sex for a majority of women. Stripping men of their sexual assertiveness diffuses women's sexual pleasure. Women are not experiencing this shift in their relationship and sexual dynamics as empowering. They are grief-stricken over what their lives are missing.
In our noble efforts to make sex politically correct, we are ignoring a fundamental aspect of sexuality. Exciting sex—primal sex—emanates from the more ancient biology we share with other mammals. Our biological nature has instilled in all male and female mammals some basic, unique instincts that make them want sex. Human bodies continue to respond to sexual triggers as our ancestors did, thousands of years ago.
Our combination of an evolved cerebral cortex coupled with our primitive sexual biology presents interesting and often challenging scenarios for us all. While our minds have matured and evolved to think in very different ways than our primate ancestors, our bodies continue to receive sexual marching orders from our more primitive brain regions. Herein lies the potential for infinite difficulty. Without comfort with our most basic sexual instincts as male or female, it is challenging to build a creative sexual repertoire with a beloved long-term partner.
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Without sex, couples describe themselves as best friends. Proud as such couples may be of feeling close and connected, they lack the desire to make love. What’s at stake here is something very basic to our humanity—our deepest connection to our chosen other, and to our own sexual selves.
We are heading down a dangerous path, yet we also have before us an extraordinary opportunity. For the first time in history, because of the equality and respect prompted by the feminist movement, we have the capacity to manifest extraordinary sex in long-term, committed relationships. Triumphantly, a woman can now choose to feel vulnerable during sex, because it feels good—not because she is forced into that role.
Exploring sex and relationships from an evolutionary perspective does not imply that men and women are destined to return to fixed sexual roles. An immutable sexual style would be unappealing for most modern couples. But comfort in our most basic instincts enables couples to manifest potent sexual reflexes that have more recently been denied.
Our next undertaking as feminists, male and female, is to return to our core and collect what is precious that we have lost in these last decades of battle. Our efforts to make sex less about the primal brain and, instead, more politically correct, are forcing exciting sex onto a darker playground. Increasingly, men and women are seeking outlets for their primal sexual energy that can be damaging to their intimate relationships, such as overuse of porn and extramarital affairs.
Sex robots will soon offer non-critical, always-available alternatives for those who find sexual relationships uncomfortably complex, anxiety-provoking, or just too much hassle. Technology can accomplish what sex used to—procreation and sexual satisfaction.
This future is not simply a sci-fi story. It is the next logical step from where we are. However, we can choose a different path. Passionate love-making and intimacy do not have to be a casualty of our social growth. Harnessing sexual instincts within a trusting, mutually respectful, intimate relationship can offer the glue that keeps intimacy strong and desirable. It feeds more than our sexual needs; it feeds the soul of our humanity.
Epilogue (by Glenn Geher)
Understanding our sexuality is foundational to understanding the human experience. The nature of human sexuality evolved over millennia. Reproduction is as basic as any process when it comes to the living world.
Cultural evolution, which is ultimately a product of our biological evolution, progresses at a rapid pace compared with the pace of organic evolution. Cultural evolution is exciting and profound. As Drs. Brandon and Simon have articulated so clearly here, norms surrounding relationships and sexuality, resulting from cultural evolution, have been advancing at breakneck speed over the past several decades, leading to all kinds of novel attitudes, beliefs, and technologies.
While our brave new world has lots of amazing new opportunities and affordances for all of us, we need to always keep in mind that the modern world is deeply mismatched from ancestral human conditions in many important ways (see our new book, Positive Evolutionary Psychology, Geher & Wedberg, 2020). And evolutionary mismatch often leads to problems.
When modern technology and human mating meet head-on, as is the case with sex robots and pornography, we need to look before we leap. Our evolved relationship psychology is the result of thousands of generations of organic evolution. As Drs. Brandon and Simon warn, we ignore our evolved sexual psychology to our own peril.
Full text with links at https://www.psychologytoday.com/intl/blog/darwins-subterranean-world/201910/the-end-sex
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*Dr. Brandon is a clinical psychologist and Diplomat in sex therapy. She is the author of Monogamy: The Untold Story, co-author of Reclaiming Desire: 4 Keys to Finding Your Lost Libido, and author of the ebook Unlocking the Sexy In Surrender: Using the Neuroscience of Power to Recharge Your Sex Life, as well as professional articles exploring evolutionary theory and sexuality, the challenges of monogamy, gender differences in sexual expression, and aging and sex.
*Dr. Simon is a clinical professor of obstetrics and gynecology at the George Washington University School of Medicine, and he is the current President of the International Society for Study of Women’s Sexual Health. Dr. Simon served as principal investigator on more than 300 clinical trials, research grants, and scholarships in the area of women's health. He has consistently been ranked as a top doctor nationally and internationally.
References
Geher, G. & Wedberg, N. (2020). Positive Evolutionary Psychology: Darwin’s Guide to Living a Richer Life. New York: Oxford University Press.
Glenn Geher, Ph.D., is professor of psychology at the State University of New York at New Paltz. He is founding director of the campus’ Evolutionary Studies (EvoS) program.
Sunday, October 6, 2019
Historical Traumas and the Roots of Political Distrust: Political Inference from the Great Chinese Famine
Historical Traumas and the Roots of Political Distrust: Political Inference from the Great Chinese Famine. Yuyu Chen, David Y. Yang. October 2019. Draft. http://davidyyang.com/pdfs/famine_draft.pdf
Abstract: Political trust is the foundation of authoritarian regimes’ legitimacy, and it is often sustained by propaganda. When does propaganda reach its limit, and what are the consequences when propaganda is falsified? We study the causal effect of the Great Chinese Famine (1958-1961) on survivors’ political distrust. Policy failures led to the Famine, but the propaganda blamed drought for the disaster. Information that directly contradicted the propaganda — experiences of severe Famine in the absence of abnormal drought conditions — was quasi-randomly available to some citizens, but not others. Using a nationally representative survey, we employ a difference-in-differences strategy to compare individuals who were exposed to different intensities of the Famine across regions with different levels of drought during the Famine. The Famine survivors inferred the government’s liability from starvation experiences and the drought conditions, and they were more likely to dismiss the propaganda and blame the government for the Famine if they observed regular weather conditions during the Famine. As a result, these individuals expressed significantly less trust in the government. Costs of falsified propaganda are substantial, since the dampened political trust has turned into a stable political ideology. The distrust persists even half a century after the Famine, has been transmitted to the subsequent generation, and has spilled over to a broad range of political attitudes unrelated to the Famine.
Keywords: Political Trust, Political Attitudes, China, Authoritarian Regime, Persistence
JEL Classification: D83, P26, Z13
Abstract: Political trust is the foundation of authoritarian regimes’ legitimacy, and it is often sustained by propaganda. When does propaganda reach its limit, and what are the consequences when propaganda is falsified? We study the causal effect of the Great Chinese Famine (1958-1961) on survivors’ political distrust. Policy failures led to the Famine, but the propaganda blamed drought for the disaster. Information that directly contradicted the propaganda — experiences of severe Famine in the absence of abnormal drought conditions — was quasi-randomly available to some citizens, but not others. Using a nationally representative survey, we employ a difference-in-differences strategy to compare individuals who were exposed to different intensities of the Famine across regions with different levels of drought during the Famine. The Famine survivors inferred the government’s liability from starvation experiences and the drought conditions, and they were more likely to dismiss the propaganda and blame the government for the Famine if they observed regular weather conditions during the Famine. As a result, these individuals expressed significantly less trust in the government. Costs of falsified propaganda are substantial, since the dampened political trust has turned into a stable political ideology. The distrust persists even half a century after the Famine, has been transmitted to the subsequent generation, and has spilled over to a broad range of political attitudes unrelated to the Famine.
Keywords: Political Trust, Political Attitudes, China, Authoritarian Regime, Persistence
JEL Classification: D83, P26, Z13
Following bilateral hippocampal lesions, patient have more frequent déja vus and prescience episodes
Déjà vu and prescience in a case of severe episodic amnesia following bilateral hippocampal lesions. Jonathan Curot, Jérémie Pariente, Jean Michel Hupé, Jean-Albert Lotterie, Hélène Mirabel & Emmanuel J. Barbeau. Memory, Oct 6 2019. https://doi.org/10.1080/09658211.2019.1673426
ABSTRACT: Several studies pertaining to déjà vu have consistently made a connection with the perirhinal region, a region located below the hippocampus. This idea is strengthened by the fact that déjà vu is an erroneous sense of familiarity and that familiarity appears to largely depend on the perirhinal region in healthy subjects. In this context, the role of the hippocampus is particularly unclear as it is unknown whether or not it plays a role in the genesis of déjà vu. We report on the case of OHVR, an epileptic patient who suffers from severe episodic amnesia related to massive isolated bilateral damage to the hippocampus. In contrast, the perirhinal region is intact structurally and functionally. This patient reports frequent déjà vu but also another experiential phenomenon with a prominent feeling of prescience, which shows some of the characteristics of déjà vécu. She clearly distinguishes both. She also developed a form of synaesthesia by attributing affective valence to numbers. This study shows that déjà vu can occur in cases of amnesia with massively damaged hippocampi and confirms that the perirhinal region is a core region for déjà vu, using a different approach from previous reports. It also provides clues about a potential influence of hippocampal alterations in déjà vécu.
KEYWORDS: Déjà vécu, recollection, hippocampus, familiarity, recognition memory, perirhinal cortex, synaesthesia
Discussion
To our knowledge, this case study is the first to report on
the experience of déjà vu in a patient with severe episodic
amnesia and massive isolated hippocampal atrophy. In
addition, our patient also reported unusually frequent
experiential phenomena with a prominent feeling of prescience
as well as synaesthesia.
Two types of subjective experiences
In one of the most recent and exhaustive reviews on déjàexperiences
in epilepsy, Illman et al. (2012) suggested that
inconsistencies about déjà-experiences stem from a
problem of definition. These authors distinguished in particular
déjà vu, an inappropriate sense of familiarity, from
déjà vécu, an erroneous sensation of recollecting contextual
information. These qualitatively different phenomenological
experiences may rely on functionally independent
neural substrates: déjà vu – a “pure” familiarity experience –
that relies on a network of brain structures that process
familiarity, including most notably the perirhinal cortex,
and déjà vécu – a “recollective” experience – that relies
on a network centred on the hippocampus (Illman et al.,
2012). OHVR could clearly differentiate between two types
of subjective phenomena: one without prescience that
appears to match the definition of déjà vu and another
associated with prescience. One question is whether or
not the prescience experience is related to déjà vécu. In
the following sections, we discuss these two types of experience
in OHVR along with their possible neural correlates.
Déjà vu in OHVR
OHVR clearly reported the frequent occurrence of “pure”
déjà vu without any prescience. She spontaneously insisted
on the idea that in this case she was a “spectator” which
matches the ideas of Illman et al. (2012) about déjà vu.
She also firmly differentiated it from the other type of
her experiential phenomena. Whether OVHR experiences
déjà vu of a similar type to that experienced by healthy
subjects is a matter to be discussed. One study compared
déjà vu in epileptic patients and healthy subjects (Warren-
Gash & Zeman, 2014) and arrived at the conclusion that
déjà vu was qualitatively similar but that in epileptic
patients it was also associated with distinct features,
including derealisation (a sensation in which the external
environment appears unfamiliar, with other people
appearing like actors and the world appearing to be twodimensional
or like a stage set, as defined by the DMS-IV
and ICD-10. For a review see Hunter, Sierra, & David,
2004). OHVR’s déjà vu seems to fit well with this report.
She was aware that her sense of familiarity was inappropriate
(Brázdil et al., 2012; Illman et al., 2012). The knowledge
that the sensation is wrong is a major aspect of the déjà vu
sensation (O’Connor & Moulin, 2010). Our patient’s description
was consistent with those by O’Connor and Moulin
(2008) and Martin et al. (2012) as she explicitly reported
that her inappropriate sense of familiarity could initially
start with specific objects (e.g., “glasses” or “a pen”) and
secondarily and quickly expanded to the entire situation
and environment. Her déjà vu lasted a few seconds as in
control subjects. However, the feeling of derealisation
associated with her déjà vu was more pronounced than
for control subjects.
What makes OHVR unusual is that she suffers from
severe episodic amnesia due to massive and isolated bilateral
lesions of the hippocampus. Despite the lack of specific
experimental tasks to evaluate recollection and familiarity
specifically, OHVR’s case is highly suggestive of an episodic
amnesia: performance on context-rich and relational
memory tests was severely impaired, both clinically and
on neuropsychological tests, and with both verbal and
visual material (standard score on both the Logical
Memory and the Family Picture subtests delayed recall:
1). Such results match the finding that OHVR’s hippocampi
were severely damaged. In contrast, the performance on
context-free memory tests such as semantic memory (standard
score on the Information subtest: 9) or recognition
memory tests, where performance can rely on familiarity
(Face recognition subtest or Doors recognition), showed
that these were considerably preserved. Context-free
memory largely depends on anterior subhippocampal
structures (Barbeau, Pariente, Felician, & Puel, 2011; Jonin
et al., 2018; Vargha-khadem et al., 1997), including the perirhinal
cortex. The perirhinal cortex appeared to be preserved
in OHVR both structurally (MRI) and functionally
(PET). Therefore, this case report suggests that déjà vu
can occur in the absence of recollection and a functional
hippocampus and appears to correspond with the hypothesis
by Spatt (2002) and Illman et al. (2012) that déjà vu
depends on the activation of a neocortical familiarity
system. A debate between the respective roles of the
entorhinal cortex and the perirhinal cortex still remains to
be solved however. In the study by Bartolomei et al.
(2004), déjà vu was induced more often by stimulation of
the entorhinal than the perirhinal cortex. However, the
exact effect (i.e., local excitation or inhibition) of these electrical
stimulations is largely unclear and it is difficult to infer
from this the exact role of each structure. In OHVR, hypometabolism
of the right entorhinal cortex was observed.
Overall, these observations seem to confirm that the
rhinal region is as a core region in déjà vu but the role of
the entorhinal and perirhinal cortices in this experiential
phenomenon must still be clarified.
At first sight, OHVR’s case seems to suggest that recollection
or the hippocampus plays no role in déjà vu.
According to this hypothesis, it is a dysfunction within the
perirhinal region / familiarity system that induces déjà vu,
possibly in relation to epileptic activities in this region.
However, an alternative hypothesis is that it is a dysfunction
between the perirhinal region and the hippocampus
that is at the origin of déjà vu. Although OHVR’s hippocampi
were massively damaged in comparison to the
usual standards, the possibility must be considered that
some neuronal activity remains in this structure, enough
to trigger erroneous signals that are misinterpreted in the
perirhinal region. A hypothesis stemming from this
finding is that the more severe the atrophy of the hippocampi
(in isolation, i.e., with preserved subhippocampal
structures), the more déjà vu there might be. However,
this specific hypothesis should be tested in future studies
in epileptic patients, which would help to clarify whether
or not the hippocampus plays a role in déjà vu.
A subjective experience with a prominent feeling of
prescience
Our patient also frequently experienced a second type of
subjective phenomenon with a prominent feeling that
she describes as feeling like she could predict the future.
Some features of this subjective feeling match the
definition of prescience and corresponds with the conceptual
definition of déjà vécu by Illman et al. Experimental
evidence following the re-creation of a déjà vu sensation
in a virtual environment suggests that déjà vu may be
related to an illusion of prediction (Cleary & Claxton,
2018). Interestingly, despite making a clear distinction
between both phenomena, OHVR also acknowledged
that the phenomenon with prescience could occur sometimes
with pure déjà vu, but it was always after déjà vu,
which could be suggestive of evidence of certain dynamics
between these two experiential phenomena. To some
extent, OHVR’s case also supports the idea of some proximity
between déjà vu and prescience as both coincided
chronologically with the development of anterograde
amnesia and hippocampal dysfunction. This seems to fit
data from healthy subjects since approximately 16% of
them report feelings of prescience at least once a year
while having a feeling of déjà vu. Another 17% also know
about this feeling in association with déjà vu (Mumoli et al.,
2017). From this, it can be logically deduced that if familiarity
is experienced first and if this feeling persists over a
few seconds, it could lead to the feeling that the future
could be (or should be) predicted. Therefore, déjà vu
with prescience would be more intense and last longer.
This hypothesis can easily be tested in healthy subjects.
Nonetheless, other theoretical concepts include prescience
as a feature that helps to separate two déjà-experiences,
déjà vu and déjà vécu. Supposedly, déjà vu is devoid
of any feeling of prescience whereas déjà vécu integrates it
in association with emotions, source or context and
content (Illman et al., 2012). OHVR spontaneously insisted
on a distinction between her “déjà vu” and this other
feeling she could not name precisely (she sometimes
named it “prediction”, sometimes “support”). To the question:
“Are they two different phenomena for you?” she
answered: “Yes”, although she never used the terms déjà
vu or déjà vécu to describe this phenomenon. To the question:
“Are they concomitant or not necessarily linked?” she
also responded: “Sometimes, but not necessarily”. In fact,
OHVR’s feelings of premonition featured some aspects of
déjà vécu. She spontaneously emphasised that she was
an “actor” during prescience (while being a “spectator”
during déjà vu). This agency component is a feature of
autonoetic consciousness during recollection (Metcalfe &
Son, 2012; Piolino et al., 2003; Tulving, 1985) and this
state of consciousness may correspond to a dysfunctional
recollection during déjà vécu. She also clearly experienced
an erroneous sensation of time, which was absent from her
déjà vu experiences. However, and this is inconsistently
with Illman’s definition of déjà vécu, she never related
this experience to a “prior experience”. In brief, OHVR
clearly makes a distinction between two different types
of experiential phenomena, déjà vu, and a second one,
which resembles déjà vécu. This second phenomenon is
close to but does not exactly fit the definition of déjà
vécu (Illman et al., 2012). Further investigations of déjà
vécu are therefore needed.
This is an important discussion as the conceptual
entity of déjà vécu lacks a clear neuroanatomical substrate.
Therefore, OHVR’s second phenomenon could be
a way to approach the neural substrate of déja-vécu
and its components. To date, only 4 cases of prescience
have been described and studied in detail, but they were
not related to déjà vécu (Sadler & Rahey, 2004). These
authors found prescience phenomena in only 3 of 927
epileptic patients and they also quoted a fourth case
reported by Gloor et al. (1982). Prescience in experiential
phenomena seems to be infrequent but may have been
underestimated because of a lack of detailed reports.
Interestingly, Sadler and Rahey (2004) also asserted
that prescience must be distinguished from déjà vu,
since the 4 patients they described could clearly make
a distinction between the two phenomena. One of
their patients had an unknown aetiology and two had
bitemporal interictal spikes (two had bilateral temporal
seizures and only right discharge-induced prescience,
for two no seizures were recorded). Our patient has
similar epileptic characteristics (bitemporal epilepsy of
unknown origin).
During the transient phenomena associated with prescience,
she experienced an erroneous relation to time,
giving her the brief impression of being able to foresee
the future. A damaged hippocampus, severely impaired
in her case, could support such a symptomatology and
an erroneous temporal arrangement of the sequence of
events. Projection into the future is an inseparable mechanism
of episodic memory (Addis & Schacter, 2012; Klein,
2013). The recovery of an episodic autobiographical
memory involves a mental travel back to the past, but individuals
also become aware of their own identity in the
future (Tulving, 2002, 2005; Tulving, Voi, Routh, & Loftus,
1983). Tulving (1985) and Klein, Loftus, & Kihlstrom (2002)
have shown that amnesic patients may have difficulty imagining
the future. Hassabis, Kumaran, and Maguire (2007),
in a functional MRI study, demonstrated that the construction
of new scenes involves a network comprising the hippocampus,
the parahippocampal gyrus, the retrosplenial
cortex and the posterior parietal cortex. Therefore, the
same brain regions are activated when patients think of
past or future events (Addis, Moscovitch, & McAndrews,
2007; Okuda et al., 2003). Consequently, the episodic
system may contribute significantly to imagining the
future (Addis et al., 2007). Addis and Schacter (2012)
suggested that 3 processes might be particularly dependent
on the hippocampus: (1) allowing access to details
stored in memory to develop new scenarios, (2) combining
these different details in a spatio-temporal context (3)
encoding simulation of a future project in memory so
that it can influence future behaviours (Addis & Schacter,
2012). In addition, “time cells” that encode different successive
moments of an experiment and recognize the time
intervals between each episode have been discovered in
the hippocampus (Eichenbaum, 2013; MacDonald,
Lepage, Eden, & Eichenbaum, 2011). Therefore, the hippocampus
might be an essential structure for learning
sequences of events, allowing the brain to distinguish
memories for conceptually similar but temporally distinct
episodes, but also to associate temporally contiguous representations
linked to independent experiences (Ranganath
& Hsieh, 2016). Considering the roles played by the
hippocampus in the projection into the future and the temporal
organization of memory representations, we hypothesize
that prescience might be directly related to
hippocampal dysfunction in parallel with the preservation
of subhippocampal structures, at least in epileptic patients.
In fact, OHVR’s cognitive profile is the opposite of the
impaired familiarity/intact recollection of epileptic patients
who experienced déjà vu as reported in the study by
Martin et al. (2012). One possibility could be that in OHVR
a feeling of familiarity might be an indication of impending
retrieval, i.e., interpreted as prescience, which might never
happen due to hippocampal damage.
Acquired synaesthesia in OHVR?
In our patient, her disease (of unknown aetiology) was also
associated with the awareness of synaesthesia together
with a strong interest for numbers approximately three
years after onset. For example, she reported that she developed
the habit of counting all the time until she reached a
number she liked and therefore experienced a pleasurable
emotion. Synesthetic associations are thought to be
acquired most often during childhood and they may constitute
a variant of childhood memories (Witthoft &
Winaver, 2013). This so-called developmental synaesthesia
is a particular feature of subjective experience, considered
as non-pathological and shared by only a fraction of the
population. The estimated prevalence varies widely
according to the definition and criteria, from a few to
approximately ten percent (Chun & Hupé, 2016; Rouw &
Scholte, 2016; Simner, 2012; Simner & Carmichael, 2015;
Watson et al., 2017). Many synaesthetes only become
aware of their particularity late in life, when they learn
about the phenomenon or start to pay special attention
to their inner life. This could have been the case for our
patient, her attribution of affective valence for numbers
having been kept at the sub-conscious level until then.
However, most synaesthetes report that they experienced
their synesthetic associations “as far as they can remember”,
even while acknowledging that they had not been
conscious of them. Our patient clearly reported not
having any synaesthetic experience before her epileptic
episodes, suggesting a causal link. However, her memory
difficulties may also have prevented her from remembering
her childhood clearly enough.
Acquired synaesthesia in adults is rare and has been
reported in very different contexts: following psychotropic
and drug ingestion (Luke & Terhune, 2013; Sinke et al.,
2012), migraine (Alstadhaug & Benjaminsen, 2010; Podoll
& Robinson, 2002), after neuropathology involving the
optic nerve and/or chiasm (Afra, Funke, & Matsuo, 2009)
or blindness (Armel & Ramachandran, 1999; Niccolai,
Jennes, Stoerig, & Van Leeuwen, 2012), after a head
injury (but without visible lesions on MRI) (Brogaard,
Vanni, & Silvanto, 2013) or a thalamic stroke (Ro et al.,
2007; Schweizer et al., 2013). In most cases, no focal brain
lesion could be identified and the diversity of the cases
makes a common neurological substrate unlikely. In
addition, acquired variants of synaesthesia seem to be
qualitatively different from developmental synaesthesia,
involving mostly low-level sensory triggers rather than
learned symbols as observed for our patient and in developmental
synaesthesia (Ward, 2013).
To date, no epidemiological study has tested whether
there is a higher prevalence of synaesthetes in epileptic
patients. Similarly, no case of acquired synaesthesia has
been reported after hippocampal lesions, or formally
associated with déjà vu. The neural correlates of developmental
synaesthesia remain to be identified (Hupé &
Dojat, 2015), and therefore, there is no indication as to
whether or not the hippocampus and subhippocampal
regions are involved. Whether or not there is any causal
link between hippocampal atrophy and the appearance
of synaesthesia in our patient therefore remains an open
question. This case clearly calls for further investigation
of synaesthesia in (temporal lobe) epilepsy in future
studies, in relation, or not in relation to déjà vu.
Temporal and extra-temporal remapping within memory
networks have been demonstrated in TLE patients (verbal
and visual encoding memory tasks during functional MRI)
(Alessio et al., 2013; Sidhu et al., 2016). Compensatory
brain activation can be observed in healthy areas, like the
contralateral hippocampus in reaction to hippocampal sclerosis
or extratemporal regions such as the cuneus or the
anterior cingulate cortex (Sidhu et al., 2016). The growing
attention of OHVR to the affective valence and personifications
of numbers could be part of a compensatory cognitive
strategy. It would be interesting to examine whether
synaesthesia occurs more often in epileptic patients as it
could be a way to explore its neural substrates.
Nevertheless, an alternative and speculative explanation
might be possible considering the strikingly preserved
amygdala volume in OHVR, despite the bilateral
loss of hippocampi. These major nodes for emotional processing
are bilaterally intact in OHVR. Amygdala and hippocampal
complex are the core nodes of two independent
memory systems, respectively emotional (such as fear) conditioning
and declarative memory. These systems tightly
interact when emotional stimuli are encountered and
when complex emotional memories are created or
retrieved (Phelps, 2004). The parietal cortex, essential for
the number processing (Dehaene, Piazza, Pinel, & Cohen,
2003), is also apparently preserved in OHVR (an apparently
normal volume, normal PET metabolism). Therefore, we
can hypothesise that there is some reorganisation and a
sort of overinvestment or dysregulation of such preserved
networks after bilateral hippocampal lesions to cope with
severe memory deficits. The implication of amygdala in
emotions and valence could suggest that a functional
network has been released from normal inhibition, reactivating
long forgotten childhood associations of numbers
with affective valence.
Conclusion
Our report suggests that the perirhinal region plays a critical
role in déjà vu. It also suggests that déjà vu can occur in
patients with severe memory impairment and massive hippocampal
damage. However, it does not entirely resolve
the issue of whether or not some relation between the
perirhinal region and the hippocampus is necessary for
déjà vu to occur as some reports suggest (Bartolomei
et al., 2012) or whether the hippocampus is involved in
déjà vu at all. OVHR experienced what she thought to be
two distinct phenomena, one related to déjà vu, the
second related to prescience and resembling déjà vécu,
which supports the idea that the two should be distinguished.
Whether these depend on the dysfunction of
different brain areas or are related to a continuum,
remains to be investigated. However, OHVR’s profile
highly suggests that hippocampal dysfunction is needed
for the emergence of feelings of prescience, and more
broadly for déjà vécu.
ABSTRACT: Several studies pertaining to déjà vu have consistently made a connection with the perirhinal region, a region located below the hippocampus. This idea is strengthened by the fact that déjà vu is an erroneous sense of familiarity and that familiarity appears to largely depend on the perirhinal region in healthy subjects. In this context, the role of the hippocampus is particularly unclear as it is unknown whether or not it plays a role in the genesis of déjà vu. We report on the case of OHVR, an epileptic patient who suffers from severe episodic amnesia related to massive isolated bilateral damage to the hippocampus. In contrast, the perirhinal region is intact structurally and functionally. This patient reports frequent déjà vu but also another experiential phenomenon with a prominent feeling of prescience, which shows some of the characteristics of déjà vécu. She clearly distinguishes both. She also developed a form of synaesthesia by attributing affective valence to numbers. This study shows that déjà vu can occur in cases of amnesia with massively damaged hippocampi and confirms that the perirhinal region is a core region for déjà vu, using a different approach from previous reports. It also provides clues about a potential influence of hippocampal alterations in déjà vécu.
KEYWORDS: Déjà vécu, recollection, hippocampus, familiarity, recognition memory, perirhinal cortex, synaesthesia
Discussion
To our knowledge, this case study is the first to report on
the experience of déjà vu in a patient with severe episodic
amnesia and massive isolated hippocampal atrophy. In
addition, our patient also reported unusually frequent
experiential phenomena with a prominent feeling of prescience
as well as synaesthesia.
Two types of subjective experiences
In one of the most recent and exhaustive reviews on déjàexperiences
in epilepsy, Illman et al. (2012) suggested that
inconsistencies about déjà-experiences stem from a
problem of definition. These authors distinguished in particular
déjà vu, an inappropriate sense of familiarity, from
déjà vécu, an erroneous sensation of recollecting contextual
information. These qualitatively different phenomenological
experiences may rely on functionally independent
neural substrates: déjà vu – a “pure” familiarity experience –
that relies on a network of brain structures that process
familiarity, including most notably the perirhinal cortex,
and déjà vécu – a “recollective” experience – that relies
on a network centred on the hippocampus (Illman et al.,
2012). OHVR could clearly differentiate between two types
of subjective phenomena: one without prescience that
appears to match the definition of déjà vu and another
associated with prescience. One question is whether or
not the prescience experience is related to déjà vécu. In
the following sections, we discuss these two types of experience
in OHVR along with their possible neural correlates.
Déjà vu in OHVR
OHVR clearly reported the frequent occurrence of “pure”
déjà vu without any prescience. She spontaneously insisted
on the idea that in this case she was a “spectator” which
matches the ideas of Illman et al. (2012) about déjà vu.
She also firmly differentiated it from the other type of
her experiential phenomena. Whether OVHR experiences
déjà vu of a similar type to that experienced by healthy
subjects is a matter to be discussed. One study compared
déjà vu in epileptic patients and healthy subjects (Warren-
Gash & Zeman, 2014) and arrived at the conclusion that
déjà vu was qualitatively similar but that in epileptic
patients it was also associated with distinct features,
including derealisation (a sensation in which the external
environment appears unfamiliar, with other people
appearing like actors and the world appearing to be twodimensional
or like a stage set, as defined by the DMS-IV
and ICD-10. For a review see Hunter, Sierra, & David,
2004). OHVR’s déjà vu seems to fit well with this report.
She was aware that her sense of familiarity was inappropriate
(Brázdil et al., 2012; Illman et al., 2012). The knowledge
that the sensation is wrong is a major aspect of the déjà vu
sensation (O’Connor & Moulin, 2010). Our patient’s description
was consistent with those by O’Connor and Moulin
(2008) and Martin et al. (2012) as she explicitly reported
that her inappropriate sense of familiarity could initially
start with specific objects (e.g., “glasses” or “a pen”) and
secondarily and quickly expanded to the entire situation
and environment. Her déjà vu lasted a few seconds as in
control subjects. However, the feeling of derealisation
associated with her déjà vu was more pronounced than
for control subjects.
What makes OHVR unusual is that she suffers from
severe episodic amnesia due to massive and isolated bilateral
lesions of the hippocampus. Despite the lack of specific
experimental tasks to evaluate recollection and familiarity
specifically, OHVR’s case is highly suggestive of an episodic
amnesia: performance on context-rich and relational
memory tests was severely impaired, both clinically and
on neuropsychological tests, and with both verbal and
visual material (standard score on both the Logical
Memory and the Family Picture subtests delayed recall:
1). Such results match the finding that OHVR’s hippocampi
were severely damaged. In contrast, the performance on
context-free memory tests such as semantic memory (standard
score on the Information subtest: 9) or recognition
memory tests, where performance can rely on familiarity
(Face recognition subtest or Doors recognition), showed
that these were considerably preserved. Context-free
memory largely depends on anterior subhippocampal
structures (Barbeau, Pariente, Felician, & Puel, 2011; Jonin
et al., 2018; Vargha-khadem et al., 1997), including the perirhinal
cortex. The perirhinal cortex appeared to be preserved
in OHVR both structurally (MRI) and functionally
(PET). Therefore, this case report suggests that déjà vu
can occur in the absence of recollection and a functional
hippocampus and appears to correspond with the hypothesis
by Spatt (2002) and Illman et al. (2012) that déjà vu
depends on the activation of a neocortical familiarity
system. A debate between the respective roles of the
entorhinal cortex and the perirhinal cortex still remains to
be solved however. In the study by Bartolomei et al.
(2004), déjà vu was induced more often by stimulation of
the entorhinal than the perirhinal cortex. However, the
exact effect (i.e., local excitation or inhibition) of these electrical
stimulations is largely unclear and it is difficult to infer
from this the exact role of each structure. In OHVR, hypometabolism
of the right entorhinal cortex was observed.
Overall, these observations seem to confirm that the
rhinal region is as a core region in déjà vu but the role of
the entorhinal and perirhinal cortices in this experiential
phenomenon must still be clarified.
At first sight, OHVR’s case seems to suggest that recollection
or the hippocampus plays no role in déjà vu.
According to this hypothesis, it is a dysfunction within the
perirhinal region / familiarity system that induces déjà vu,
possibly in relation to epileptic activities in this region.
However, an alternative hypothesis is that it is a dysfunction
between the perirhinal region and the hippocampus
that is at the origin of déjà vu. Although OHVR’s hippocampi
were massively damaged in comparison to the
usual standards, the possibility must be considered that
some neuronal activity remains in this structure, enough
to trigger erroneous signals that are misinterpreted in the
perirhinal region. A hypothesis stemming from this
finding is that the more severe the atrophy of the hippocampi
(in isolation, i.e., with preserved subhippocampal
structures), the more déjà vu there might be. However,
this specific hypothesis should be tested in future studies
in epileptic patients, which would help to clarify whether
or not the hippocampus plays a role in déjà vu.
A subjective experience with a prominent feeling of
prescience
Our patient also frequently experienced a second type of
subjective phenomenon with a prominent feeling that
she describes as feeling like she could predict the future.
Some features of this subjective feeling match the
definition of prescience and corresponds with the conceptual
definition of déjà vécu by Illman et al. Experimental
evidence following the re-creation of a déjà vu sensation
in a virtual environment suggests that déjà vu may be
related to an illusion of prediction (Cleary & Claxton,
2018). Interestingly, despite making a clear distinction
between both phenomena, OHVR also acknowledged
that the phenomenon with prescience could occur sometimes
with pure déjà vu, but it was always after déjà vu,
which could be suggestive of evidence of certain dynamics
between these two experiential phenomena. To some
extent, OHVR’s case also supports the idea of some proximity
between déjà vu and prescience as both coincided
chronologically with the development of anterograde
amnesia and hippocampal dysfunction. This seems to fit
data from healthy subjects since approximately 16% of
them report feelings of prescience at least once a year
while having a feeling of déjà vu. Another 17% also know
about this feeling in association with déjà vu (Mumoli et al.,
2017). From this, it can be logically deduced that if familiarity
is experienced first and if this feeling persists over a
few seconds, it could lead to the feeling that the future
could be (or should be) predicted. Therefore, déjà vu
with prescience would be more intense and last longer.
This hypothesis can easily be tested in healthy subjects.
Nonetheless, other theoretical concepts include prescience
as a feature that helps to separate two déjà-experiences,
déjà vu and déjà vécu. Supposedly, déjà vu is devoid
of any feeling of prescience whereas déjà vécu integrates it
in association with emotions, source or context and
content (Illman et al., 2012). OHVR spontaneously insisted
on a distinction between her “déjà vu” and this other
feeling she could not name precisely (she sometimes
named it “prediction”, sometimes “support”). To the question:
“Are they two different phenomena for you?” she
answered: “Yes”, although she never used the terms déjà
vu or déjà vécu to describe this phenomenon. To the question:
“Are they concomitant or not necessarily linked?” she
also responded: “Sometimes, but not necessarily”. In fact,
OHVR’s feelings of premonition featured some aspects of
déjà vécu. She spontaneously emphasised that she was
an “actor” during prescience (while being a “spectator”
during déjà vu). This agency component is a feature of
autonoetic consciousness during recollection (Metcalfe &
Son, 2012; Piolino et al., 2003; Tulving, 1985) and this
state of consciousness may correspond to a dysfunctional
recollection during déjà vécu. She also clearly experienced
an erroneous sensation of time, which was absent from her
déjà vu experiences. However, and this is inconsistently
with Illman’s definition of déjà vécu, she never related
this experience to a “prior experience”. In brief, OHVR
clearly makes a distinction between two different types
of experiential phenomena, déjà vu, and a second one,
which resembles déjà vécu. This second phenomenon is
close to but does not exactly fit the definition of déjà
vécu (Illman et al., 2012). Further investigations of déjà
vécu are therefore needed.
This is an important discussion as the conceptual
entity of déjà vécu lacks a clear neuroanatomical substrate.
Therefore, OHVR’s second phenomenon could be
a way to approach the neural substrate of déja-vécu
and its components. To date, only 4 cases of prescience
have been described and studied in detail, but they were
not related to déjà vécu (Sadler & Rahey, 2004). These
authors found prescience phenomena in only 3 of 927
epileptic patients and they also quoted a fourth case
reported by Gloor et al. (1982). Prescience in experiential
phenomena seems to be infrequent but may have been
underestimated because of a lack of detailed reports.
Interestingly, Sadler and Rahey (2004) also asserted
that prescience must be distinguished from déjà vu,
since the 4 patients they described could clearly make
a distinction between the two phenomena. One of
their patients had an unknown aetiology and two had
bitemporal interictal spikes (two had bilateral temporal
seizures and only right discharge-induced prescience,
for two no seizures were recorded). Our patient has
similar epileptic characteristics (bitemporal epilepsy of
unknown origin).
During the transient phenomena associated with prescience,
she experienced an erroneous relation to time,
giving her the brief impression of being able to foresee
the future. A damaged hippocampus, severely impaired
in her case, could support such a symptomatology and
an erroneous temporal arrangement of the sequence of
events. Projection into the future is an inseparable mechanism
of episodic memory (Addis & Schacter, 2012; Klein,
2013). The recovery of an episodic autobiographical
memory involves a mental travel back to the past, but individuals
also become aware of their own identity in the
future (Tulving, 2002, 2005; Tulving, Voi, Routh, & Loftus,
1983). Tulving (1985) and Klein, Loftus, & Kihlstrom (2002)
have shown that amnesic patients may have difficulty imagining
the future. Hassabis, Kumaran, and Maguire (2007),
in a functional MRI study, demonstrated that the construction
of new scenes involves a network comprising the hippocampus,
the parahippocampal gyrus, the retrosplenial
cortex and the posterior parietal cortex. Therefore, the
same brain regions are activated when patients think of
past or future events (Addis, Moscovitch, & McAndrews,
2007; Okuda et al., 2003). Consequently, the episodic
system may contribute significantly to imagining the
future (Addis et al., 2007). Addis and Schacter (2012)
suggested that 3 processes might be particularly dependent
on the hippocampus: (1) allowing access to details
stored in memory to develop new scenarios, (2) combining
these different details in a spatio-temporal context (3)
encoding simulation of a future project in memory so
that it can influence future behaviours (Addis & Schacter,
2012). In addition, “time cells” that encode different successive
moments of an experiment and recognize the time
intervals between each episode have been discovered in
the hippocampus (Eichenbaum, 2013; MacDonald,
Lepage, Eden, & Eichenbaum, 2011). Therefore, the hippocampus
might be an essential structure for learning
sequences of events, allowing the brain to distinguish
memories for conceptually similar but temporally distinct
episodes, but also to associate temporally contiguous representations
linked to independent experiences (Ranganath
& Hsieh, 2016). Considering the roles played by the
hippocampus in the projection into the future and the temporal
organization of memory representations, we hypothesize
that prescience might be directly related to
hippocampal dysfunction in parallel with the preservation
of subhippocampal structures, at least in epileptic patients.
In fact, OHVR’s cognitive profile is the opposite of the
impaired familiarity/intact recollection of epileptic patients
who experienced déjà vu as reported in the study by
Martin et al. (2012). One possibility could be that in OHVR
a feeling of familiarity might be an indication of impending
retrieval, i.e., interpreted as prescience, which might never
happen due to hippocampal damage.
Acquired synaesthesia in OHVR?
In our patient, her disease (of unknown aetiology) was also
associated with the awareness of synaesthesia together
with a strong interest for numbers approximately three
years after onset. For example, she reported that she developed
the habit of counting all the time until she reached a
number she liked and therefore experienced a pleasurable
emotion. Synesthetic associations are thought to be
acquired most often during childhood and they may constitute
a variant of childhood memories (Witthoft &
Winaver, 2013). This so-called developmental synaesthesia
is a particular feature of subjective experience, considered
as non-pathological and shared by only a fraction of the
population. The estimated prevalence varies widely
according to the definition and criteria, from a few to
approximately ten percent (Chun & Hupé, 2016; Rouw &
Scholte, 2016; Simner, 2012; Simner & Carmichael, 2015;
Watson et al., 2017). Many synaesthetes only become
aware of their particularity late in life, when they learn
about the phenomenon or start to pay special attention
to their inner life. This could have been the case for our
patient, her attribution of affective valence for numbers
having been kept at the sub-conscious level until then.
However, most synaesthetes report that they experienced
their synesthetic associations “as far as they can remember”,
even while acknowledging that they had not been
conscious of them. Our patient clearly reported not
having any synaesthetic experience before her epileptic
episodes, suggesting a causal link. However, her memory
difficulties may also have prevented her from remembering
her childhood clearly enough.
Acquired synaesthesia in adults is rare and has been
reported in very different contexts: following psychotropic
and drug ingestion (Luke & Terhune, 2013; Sinke et al.,
2012), migraine (Alstadhaug & Benjaminsen, 2010; Podoll
& Robinson, 2002), after neuropathology involving the
optic nerve and/or chiasm (Afra, Funke, & Matsuo, 2009)
or blindness (Armel & Ramachandran, 1999; Niccolai,
Jennes, Stoerig, & Van Leeuwen, 2012), after a head
injury (but without visible lesions on MRI) (Brogaard,
Vanni, & Silvanto, 2013) or a thalamic stroke (Ro et al.,
2007; Schweizer et al., 2013). In most cases, no focal brain
lesion could be identified and the diversity of the cases
makes a common neurological substrate unlikely. In
addition, acquired variants of synaesthesia seem to be
qualitatively different from developmental synaesthesia,
involving mostly low-level sensory triggers rather than
learned symbols as observed for our patient and in developmental
synaesthesia (Ward, 2013).
To date, no epidemiological study has tested whether
there is a higher prevalence of synaesthetes in epileptic
patients. Similarly, no case of acquired synaesthesia has
been reported after hippocampal lesions, or formally
associated with déjà vu. The neural correlates of developmental
synaesthesia remain to be identified (Hupé &
Dojat, 2015), and therefore, there is no indication as to
whether or not the hippocampus and subhippocampal
regions are involved. Whether or not there is any causal
link between hippocampal atrophy and the appearance
of synaesthesia in our patient therefore remains an open
question. This case clearly calls for further investigation
of synaesthesia in (temporal lobe) epilepsy in future
studies, in relation, or not in relation to déjà vu.
Temporal and extra-temporal remapping within memory
networks have been demonstrated in TLE patients (verbal
and visual encoding memory tasks during functional MRI)
(Alessio et al., 2013; Sidhu et al., 2016). Compensatory
brain activation can be observed in healthy areas, like the
contralateral hippocampus in reaction to hippocampal sclerosis
or extratemporal regions such as the cuneus or the
anterior cingulate cortex (Sidhu et al., 2016). The growing
attention of OHVR to the affective valence and personifications
of numbers could be part of a compensatory cognitive
strategy. It would be interesting to examine whether
synaesthesia occurs more often in epileptic patients as it
could be a way to explore its neural substrates.
Nevertheless, an alternative and speculative explanation
might be possible considering the strikingly preserved
amygdala volume in OHVR, despite the bilateral
loss of hippocampi. These major nodes for emotional processing
are bilaterally intact in OHVR. Amygdala and hippocampal
complex are the core nodes of two independent
memory systems, respectively emotional (such as fear) conditioning
and declarative memory. These systems tightly
interact when emotional stimuli are encountered and
when complex emotional memories are created or
retrieved (Phelps, 2004). The parietal cortex, essential for
the number processing (Dehaene, Piazza, Pinel, & Cohen,
2003), is also apparently preserved in OHVR (an apparently
normal volume, normal PET metabolism). Therefore, we
can hypothesise that there is some reorganisation and a
sort of overinvestment or dysregulation of such preserved
networks after bilateral hippocampal lesions to cope with
severe memory deficits. The implication of amygdala in
emotions and valence could suggest that a functional
network has been released from normal inhibition, reactivating
long forgotten childhood associations of numbers
with affective valence.
Conclusion
Our report suggests that the perirhinal region plays a critical
role in déjà vu. It also suggests that déjà vu can occur in
patients with severe memory impairment and massive hippocampal
damage. However, it does not entirely resolve
the issue of whether or not some relation between the
perirhinal region and the hippocampus is necessary for
déjà vu to occur as some reports suggest (Bartolomei
et al., 2012) or whether the hippocampus is involved in
déjà vu at all. OVHR experienced what she thought to be
two distinct phenomena, one related to déjà vu, the
second related to prescience and resembling déjà vécu,
which supports the idea that the two should be distinguished.
Whether these depend on the dysfunction of
different brain areas or are related to a continuum,
remains to be investigated. However, OHVR’s profile
highly suggests that hippocampal dysfunction is needed
for the emergence of feelings of prescience, and more
broadly for déjà vécu.
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