Are people more averse to microbe-sharing contact with ethnic outgroup members? It seems not.

Are people more averse to microbe-sharing contact with ethnic outgroup members? A registered report. Lei Fan, Joshua M. Tybur, Benedict C. Jones. Evolution and Human Behavior, September 22 202. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2022.08.007

Abstract: Intergroup biases are widespread across cultures and time. The current study tests an existing hypothesis that has been proposed to explain such biases: the mind has evolved to interpret outgroup membership as a cue to pathogen threat. In this registered report, we test a core feature of this hypothesis. Adapting methods from earlier work, we examine (1) whether people are less comfortable with microbe-sharing contact with an ethnic outgroup member than an ethnic ingroup member, and (2) whether this difference is exacerbated by additional visual cues to a target's infectiousness. Using Chinese (N = 1533) and British (N = 1371) samples recruited from the online platforms WJX and Prolific, we assessed contact comfort with targets who were either East Asian or White and who were either modified to have symptoms of infection or unmodified (or, for exploratory purposes, modified to wear facemasks). Contact comfort was lower for targets modified to have symptoms of infection. However, we detected no differences in contact comfort with ethnic-ingroup targets versus ethnic-outgroup targets. These results do not support the hypothesis that people interpret ethnic outgroup membership alone as a cue to infection risk.

5. Discussion

The current study was designed to improve upon van Leeuwen and Petersen (2018), which tested the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis using only a small number of male targets and a two-item assessment of contact comfort via an English-language survey with participants recruited from the U.S. and India. Consistent with van Leeuwen and Petersen, but sampling from different populations, using larger stimulus pools and broader assessments of contact comfort, and presenting materials in participants' native languages, we did not detect effects supportive of the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis. Nevertheless, many of our other findings were consistent with those from previous studies in the behavioral immune system literature. For example, contact comfort was negatively related to pathogen disgust sensitivity (Tybur et al., 2020; van Leeuwen & Jaeger, 2022), and was lower for faces manipulated to appear infectious relative to those unmanipulated (e.g., van Leeuwen & Petersen, 2018; van Leeuwen & Jaeger, 2022). Hence, while results indicated that people are more motivated to avoid microbe-sharing contact with individuals possessing symptoms of current infection, they did not reveal evidence that people are motivated to avoid microbe-sharing contact with ethnic-outgroup members more than ethnic-ingroup members.

5.1. Do other findings support the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis?

We found that ethnic outgroup targets were rated as slightly more likely to have an infectious disease than were ethnic ingroup targets. However, participants reported no greater discomfort with pathogen-risky contact with outgroup members. This finding complements findings suggesting that people are averse to indirect contact with individuals possessing facial disfigurements known to not be symptoms of infection (Ryan et al., 2012). Here, rather than contact avoidance being higher for targets believed to be non-infectious, contact avoidance was no higher for targets believed to be (slightly) more infectious (cf. Petersen, 2017). Thus, such results did not entirely support the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis.

We also detected a small relation between contact comfort and perceptions that a target is similar to individuals in the local community (Bressan, 2021). Although perceived similarity has been interpreted as a continuous measure of outgroupness (Bressan, 2021), it can also reflect myriad factors unrelated to group membership (e.g., facial morphology, eye color, etc.). Further, similarity perceptions could reflect outputs of the behavioral immune system rather than inputs into it, if similarity perceptions partially regulate contact. And, while we also detected a relation between contact comfort and reported frequency of contact with members of the target's ethnic group, the pattern was quadratic. Contact comfort was lowest for participants who reported the least previous contact with people of the target's ethnicity. However, it was lower for participants who reported the most contact frequency than it was for people who reported intermediate contact frequency.

5.2. Effects of facemasks

In addition to investigating the effects of group membership and explicit cues of infectious disease on contact comfort, we also tested whether people were more or less comfortable with microbe-sharing contact with targets wearing facemasks. We carried out this latter test because facemasks might be interpreted as indicative of infection risk and/or prosociality, and perhaps differently in a Western versus an East Asian country. Although masked targets were perceived as slightly more likely to be infectious than unmasked targets (and more so among British participants than Chinese participants), we did not detect an effect of facemask wearing on contact comfort. However, the perception of infectiousness of targets wearing a facemask varied across the two samples. As with ethnic outgroups, beliefs about infectiousness in mask wearers might not influence the infection-neutralizing motivations outputted by the behavioral immune system. Alternatively, beliefs about target infectiousness could also be offset by beliefs about the prophylactic effects of facemasks. Future research could distinguish between these possibilities.

5.3. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic

We collected data in January 2022, when many countries were experiencing a surge in infections caused by the Omicron variants of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. The degree to which pandemic conditions impact the behavioral immune system is an open question (Ackerman, Tybur, & Blackwell, 2021). Nevertheless, this surge – as well as infections over the previous two years – might have led to a general decrease in contact comfort across targets. Even so, any decrease in global contact comfort did not prevent us from observing an effect of infection symptom on contact comfort, nor did it prevent us from observing a relation between pathogen disgust sensitivity and contact comfort (cf. Tybur et al., 2022). Indeed, the relation between pathogen disgust sensitivity and contact comfort observed here (r = −0.28) was nearly identical to that observed in similar studies before the pandemic (e.g., Tybur et al., 2020, r's = −0.22, −0.24, and −0.33 across three studies). The pandemic might have also influenced how masked faces are perceived. Given that wearing a facemask was mandatory in many settings in both the UK and China from 2020 to 2022, the pandemic might have decreased the degree to which a mask is interpreted as providing information regarding infectiousness. Further, the widespread use of facemasks across the world might have also dampened cross-cultural differences in how masks are perceived.

5.4. Limitations and future research

We recruited from the White population in the UK and the East-Asian population in China, and we used White and East-Asian stimuli. Our inferences are thus limited to these two populations, both in terms of targets and perceivers. Some findings suggest that pathogen-avoidance motives only impact antipathy toward members of groups that are sufficiently culturally distant or sufficiently associated with infectious disease (Faulkner et al., 2004; Ji et al., 2019). Even so, UK participants explicitly associated China with infectious disease, as did Chinese participants the UK, perhaps due to the origins of COVID-19 (in the case of China) and the high number of COVID-19 cases in deaths in 2020 and 2021 (in the case of the UK). Further, China and the UK differ markedly along broad cultural variables (Muthukrishna et al., 2020). For these reasons, the UK and China seem they appear suitable for testing even a narrower version of the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis that require additional associations between a target group and cultural differences in pathogens. Nevertheless, future work could certainly test the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis using different target groups.

We also used only a single cue to infectiousness – a skin condition intended to mimic the appearance of shingles. Naturally, infectious disease can lead to other symptoms, including other skin changes (e.g., pallor, rashes, jaundice), vocal changes (e.g., hoarseness), behavioral changes (e.g., lethargy, coughing). Infectiousness and health status can also be detected via other senses, such as olfaction (e.g., body odor, Sarolidou et al., 2020; Zakrzewska et al., 2020) and audition (e.g., voice; Fasoli, Maass, & Sulpizio, 2018). Future studies could test whether the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis applies when targets possess different cues to infectiousness.

To date, the literature examining relations between pathogen-avoidance and intergroup biases has largely focused on phenomena such as explicit prejudice (e.g., Huang, Sedlovskaya, Ackerman, & Bargh, 2011; O'Shea et al., 2019) or implicit attitudes (e.g., Faulkner et al., 2004; Klavina et al., 2011). Less work has focused on whether people treat individual outgroup members as if they pose more of a pathogen threat than individual ingroup members. Results reported here and in van Leeuwen and Petersen (2018) cast doubt on the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue interpretation of relations between disgust sensitivity and, for example, anti-immigrant bias. Future work can naturally use approaches apart from contact-comfort ratings to evaluate the outgroup-as-pathogen-cue hypothesis. In the meantime, the field will benefit from generating and testing other hypotheses for explaining why more pathogen-avoidant individuals might feel more negatively toward outgroups.

Powerlessness Also Corrupts: Lower Power Increases Self-Promotional Lying

Powerlessness Also Corrupts: Lower Power Increases Self-Promotional Lying. Huisi (Jessica) Li, Ya-Ru Chen, John Angus D. Hildreth. Organization Science, Sep 21 2022. https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2022.1630

Abstract: The popular maxim holds that power corrupts, and research to date supports the view that power increases self-interested unethical behavior. However, we predict the opposite effect when unethical behavior, specifically lying, helps an individual self-promote: lower rather than higher power increases self-promotional lying. Drawing from compensatory consumption theory, we propose that this effect occurs because lower power people feel less esteemed in their organizations than do higher power people. To compensate for this need to view themselves as esteemed members of their organizations, lower power individuals are more likely to inflate their accomplishments. Evidence from four studies supports our predictions: compared with those with higher power, executives with lower power in their organizations were more likely to lie about their work achievements (Study 1, n = 230); graduate students with lower power in their Ph.D. studies were more likely to lie about their publication records (Study 2, n = 164); and employees with lower power were more likely to lie about having signed a business contract (Studies 3 and 4). Mediation analyses suggest that lower power increased lying because lower power individuals feel lower esteem in their organizations (Study 3, n = 562). Further supporting this mechanism, a self-affirmation intervention reduced the effect of lower power on self-promotional lying (Study 4, n = 536). These converging findings show that, when lies are self-promotional, lower power can be more corruptive than higher power.

Men exhibit much greater variability in energy expenditure than women, being more likely to fall in the extremes

Variability in energy expenditure is much greater in males than females. Lewis G.Halsey et al. Journal of Human Evolution, Volume 171, October 2022, 103229. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhevol.2022.103229

Abstract: In mammals, trait variation is often reported to be greater among males than females. However, to date, mainly only morphological traits have been studied. Energy expenditure represents the metabolic costs of multiple physical, physiological, and behavioral traits. Energy expenditure could exhibit particularly high greater male variation through a cumulative effect if those traits mostly exhibit greater male variation, or a lack of greater male variation if many of them do not. Sex differences in energy expenditure variation have been little explored. We analyzed a large database on energy expenditure in adult humans (1494 males and 3108 females) to investigate whether humans have evolved sex differences in the degree of interindividual variation in energy expenditure. We found that, even when statistically comparing males and females of the same age, height, and body composition, there is much more variation in total, activity, and basal energy expenditure among males. However, with aging, variation in total energy expenditure decreases, and because this happens more rapidly in males, the magnitude of greater male variation, though still large, is attenuated in older age groups. Considerably greater male variation in both total and activity energy expenditure could be explained by greater male variation in levels of daily activity. The considerably greater male variation in basal energy expenditure is remarkable and may be explained, at least in part, by greater male variation in the size of energy-demanding organs. If energy expenditure is a trait that is of indirect interest to females when choosing a sexual partner, this would suggest that energy expenditure is under sexual selection. However, we present a novel energetics model demonstrating that it is also possible that females have been under stabilizing selection pressure for an intermediate basal energy expenditure to maximize energy available for reproduction.

4. Discussion

Our study represents a first exploration of GMV in energy expenditure, a trait that captures the net effect of many morphological, physiological, and behavioral factors. Our results indicate considerable GMV in human energy expenditure in terms of TEE, BEE, and AEE (Table 1; Figure 1, Figure 2), although the data cannot distinguish between the two prominent explanations for GMV, heterogamy and sexual selection, since both explanations predict greater trait variance in males than females. We also found GMV in key measures of body condition associated with energy expenditure: height and in particular fat-free mass (Heymsfield et al., 2007; Pontzer et al., 2021; Table 1). Height and fat-free mass correlate strongly with energy expenditure in humans (Cameron et al., 2016; Hopkins et al., 2016; Thomas et al., 2019), raising the possibility that GMV in energy expenditure is simply a result of the GMV in those morphometric traits. However, while statistically accounting for height and fat-free mass considerably reduced the within-sex variance in all three measures of energy expenditure in both males and females (with no clear, systematic, additional reduction in variance when accounting for fat mass and age), the variance ratio between males and females did not systematically decrease. In fact, statistically accounting for these morphometric variables and age resulted in a slight increase in the male:female variance ratio in all three measures of energy expenditure. In other words, remarkably, even when attempting to compare, with statistics, males and females of the same height, fat-free mass, fat mass, and age, males exhibit far more variation in TEE, BEE, and AEE than do females.

The fact that the considerable GMV in energy expenditure is not explained by variation in age, body morphometrics, and condition—key correlates of energy expenditure (Heymsfield et al., 2007; Pontzer et al., 2021)—indicates that GMV in energy expenditure is affected by other factors. It has long been known that behavioral traits are important drivers of energy expenditure. Indeed, when Lavoisier (1743–1794) first started measuring metabolic rate more than 225 years ago, it became immediately clear that organisms spend a lot more energy when active than when resting (Lighton, 2008). Activity levels are more variable in males than females consistently across diverse cultures (Althoff et al., 2017), along with hours slept per night (Ban and Lee, 2001), hours spent sitting (Parsons et al., 2009), and aerobic capacity (Olds et al., 2006), which probably explains why males have more variable AEE than do females. In turn, this is probably reflected in TEE given that AEE constitutes 33% of TEE in the current sample of adult humans (Careau et al., 2021).

In contrast to AEE, BEE by definition all but eliminates the direct effect of behavior on metabolic measurements. The fact that we observed considerable GMV in BEE, and even after factoring out body size and composition, is particularly surprising (though a similar finding can be calculated for resting energy expenditure in 104 adult males and 155 adult females having adjusted for fat-free mass; Müller et al., 2011, their Table 1). It suggests that males are more variable than females in the maintenance costs of some of the physiological components that underpin BEE and which are not reflected in measures of fat-free mass. Although hormonal differences could be a factor (Wu and O'Sullivan 2011; Wang and Xu, 2019), the proximate explanation must be the energy expenditures of the various physiological components of the body. More than 80% of the interindividual variance in BEE in humans is explained by the major body systems (Müller et al., 2018), and the remaining factors probably include the immune system (Buttgereit et al., 2000; Wolowczuk et al., 2008) and the digestive systems, including the influence of the gut microbiota on anaerobic resting metabolism (Riedl et al., 2017; Müller et al., 2018). Although there is no evidence that the mass-independent energy expenditures of various individual organs exhibit GMV (Müller et al., 2013), key elements of the cardiorespiratory system such as heart mass and lung vital capacity vary in size more in males than females (Lauer et al., 1992; Müller et al., 2011; Wierenga et al., 2017), as do two other energy-demanding systems (Müller et al., 2013), the brain (Wierenga et al., 2017) and the kidneys (Gong et al., 2012; cf. Müller et al., 2011), though probably not the liver (Chouker et al., 2004; Müller et al., 2011; Patzak et al., 2014). The spleen also exhibits GMV (Spielmann et al., 2005; Hosey et al., 2006; Müller et al., 2011), as perhaps does ‘residual mass’ which includes bone, skin, stomach, intestines, and glands (Müller et al., 2013). There is also evidence that mitochondrial energetics in response to low metabolic demands vary more in males, as does the abundance of different mitochondrial proteins in skeletal muscle, although sample sizes are fairly small and such studies are in vitro; thus extrapolation of the findings to resting muscles must be tentative (Miotto et al., 2018; Monaco et al., 2020). Blood parameters more often show GMV than the reverse (Lehre et al., 2009), though two reported measures in that study which one might a priori posit show GMV but exhibit the reverse are thyroid-stimulating hormone and tetraiodothyronine. Core temperature, albeit subtly, also exhibits GMV (Chamberlain et al., 1995).

Even though activity is eliminated from the BEE measurements, GMV in activity might still have an indirect role to play in generating GMV in BEE due to training effects. For example, regular exercise is known to increase heart size, mitochondrial count, and blood volume (McArdle et al., 2015), decrease levels of certain hormones and cytokines (Node et al., 2010; Silverman and Deuster, 2014; Pontzer, 2018), and improve mitochondrial oxidative capacity (Cardinale et al., 2018). One possibility, then, is that males have evolved to exhibit considerably more interindividual variation in AEE than have females, and that this drives greater variability in both BEE and TEE.

High energy expenditure is related to various traits that are arguably attractive to females. High BEE for a given size and body condition could positively correlate with aerobic fitness (Poehlman et al., 1989), cognitive capacity (Goncerzewicz et al., 2022), or organ function (Müller et al., 2018). High AEE is associated with high levels of physical activity, and also strength and muscle mass, characteristics known to be attractive to females or at least associated with gaining access to females (Schulte-Hostedde et al., 2008; Neave et al., 2011; Lidborg et al., 2022), in part because these characteristics signal physical fitness (Sharp et al., 1992), athletic ability, and thus competitiveness (Hugill et al., 2010), and also access to high levels of energy resources (Bonduriansky, 2007). If so, then energy expenditure does have a sexual signal component, which would associate with greater variation in males. In turn, by viewing everyday energy expenditure in adults ultimately as reproductive investment (directly and indirectly; Key and Ross, 1999), some males are investing considerably more energy in (anticipated) reproduction than are others, whereas in contrast, the variation between females in terms of energy investment in their potential reproduction is much smaller.

However, an alternative explanation for GMV in energy expenditure arises through consideration not of why male variation is greater but why female variation is lower. That is, why might females have undergone stabilizing selection—both low and high energy expenditures being selected against over time? Maximal sustained energy expenditure is intrinsically constrained at a fixed multiple of BEE, both in animals (Drent and Daan, 1980; Peterson et al., 1990) and humans (Hammond and Diamond, 1997; Thurber et al., 2019). Thus, people with a higher BEE will tend to be those with a higher maximal sustained energy expenditure. For females, this could be advantageous during lactation because it would allow them to expend more energy on reproduction (Fig. 5A). However, if there is an external constraint on sustained energy expenditure due to limited food supply, then the energy available for female reproduction would follow a peaked function with BEE (Fig. 5B). In turn, females with either high or low BEE would be selected against because this would be associated with submaximal energy being expended on reproduction. Because BEE is the dominant component of nonreproductive energy expenditure, reduced variation in BEE results in reduced variation in TEE when females are not reproducing.

[Figure 5. Conceptual model of energy availability during pregnancy in relation to basal energy expenditure (BEE). A) Sustained maximal energy expenditure is a multiple of BEE. Consequently, the energy potentially available for reproduction (calculated as sustained maximal energy expenditure minus BEE) is higher in females with a higher BEE. B) If food availability is limited, then energy intake can create a limit to sustained maximal energy expenditure (dashed line) and in turn, energy available for reproduction is not only low for females with a low BEE but also for females with a high BEE; it is highest when BEE is an intermediate value. The arrows denote selection against the extremes of low BEE and high BEE. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the Web version of this article.)]

Although our study indicates that GMV is a robust phenomenon in human energy expenditure, we cannot assume that the magnitude of GMV is consistent across all human populations and cultures. Indeed, there is a tentative indication in the present data that people from non-Western countries exhibit a still substantial but reduced GMV, due to a reduction in male variability (Fig. 4). It could be that there are features of Western cultures/societies that serve to exacerbate or attenuate GMV although what these could be are not immediately obvious (perhaps, for example, more time and money enable the sexes to pursue hobbies and lifestyles, e.g., Stoet and Geary, 2018, that contrast in terms of energy expenditure). Cultural variations in the magnitude of GMV might indicate that heterogamy is at best only part of the underlying mechanism but do not offer evidence for or against sexual selection as a predominant mechanism underlying GMV because sexual selection can have strong cultural components (Nakahashi, 2017).

Reduced spending at advanced ages: It is not feeling financially constrained (the fraction satisfied with their economic situation is considerably higher), but reduced enjoyment of activities with worsening health, widowing, & increasing age

Explanations for the Decline in Spending at Older Ages. Susann Rohwedder, Michael D. Hurd & Péter Hudomiet. NBER Working Paper 30460. September 2022. DOI 10.3386/w30460

Abstract: We use new data from the 2019 wave of the Consumption and Activities Mail Survey to help interpret the observed decline in spending as individuals age. At one extreme, forward-looking individuals optimally chose the decline; at the other, myopic individuals overspent and were forced to reduce spending because they had run out of wealth. Which interpretation is correct has important implications for the measurement of economic preparation for retirement. According to their own assessments, the fraction of respondents feeling financially constrained is lower at advanced ages, and the fraction satisfied with their economic situation is considerably higher at older ages than at ages near retirement. An important mechanism reconciling the evidence of reduced spending and greater economic satisfaction at older ages may be that individuals’ enjoyment of several activities declines with worsening health, widowing, and increasing age, leading to a lessening desire to spend on them. We find strong support for this hypothesis. Nonetheless, close to 20% of those older than 80 report not being satisfied with their financial situation, pointing to heterogeneity in economic security.

Poor writing, not specialized concepts, drives processing difficulty in legal language

Poor writing, not specialized concepts, drives processing difficulty in legal language. Eric Martínez, Francis Mollic, Edward Gibson. Cognition, Volume 224, July 2022, 105070. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2022.105070

Abstract: Despite their ever-increasing presence in everyday life, contracts remain notoriously inaccessible to laypeople. Why? Here, a corpus analysis (n ≈10 million words) revealed that contracts contain startlingly high proportions of certain difficult-to-process features–including low-frequency jargon, center-embedded clauses (leading to long-distance syntactic dependencies), passive voice structures, and non-standard capitalization–relative to nine other baseline genres of written and spoken English. Two experiments (N=184) further revealed that excerpts containing these features were recalled and comprehended at lower rates than excerpts without these features, even for experienced readers, and that center-embedded clauses inhibited recall more-so than other features. These findings (a) undermine the specialized concepts account of legal theory, according to which law is a system built upon expert knowledge of technical concepts; (b) suggest such processing difficulties result largely from working-memory limitations imposed by long-distance syntactic dependencies (i.e., poor writing) as opposed to a mere lack of specialized legal knowledge; and (c) suggest editing out problematic features of legal texts would be tractable and beneficial for society at-large.

4. Discussion

Our study aimed to better understand the reason why legal texts can be difficult to understand for laypeople by assessing to what extent: (a) difficult-to-process features that are reportedly common in contracts are in fact present in contracts relative to normal texts, and (b) such features–insofar as they are present–cause processing difficulties for laypeople of different reading levels. Here we discuss in turn the extent to which our results successfully answer these questions, as well as the implications of our results from both a scientific and policy perspective.

With regard to (a), our corpus analysis revealed that features such as center embedding, low-frequency jargon, passive voice and non-standard capitalization–all associated with processing difficulty–were more prevalent in contracts relative to all other texts genres that we looked at. In most cases, this difference was striking. Prior to our study, there had been long-standing speculation and anecdotal accounts of the presence of these features in legal texts, and more recent studies had to some degree identified the prevalence of passive voice (Goźdź-Roszkowski, 2011) and non-standard capitalization (Arbel & Toler, 2020) in legal contracts, either on a smaller scale or with regard to specific types of contracts. Our study provides the first large-scale systematic account of the presence of all of these features in legal texts, both overall and relative to a baseline.

With regard to (b), our experimental study revealed that contracts drafted with all of these features were more difficult to both comprehend and recall than contracts drafted without all of these features, while our analyses of individual linguistic structures revealed that some of the features–such as center-embedding and low-frequency words–present greater difficulties in the context of recall than others, such as passive voice. Although language experience–as measured by ART–predicted comprehension performance, there was no correlation between ART and recall performance, nor was there a significant interaction between register and performance on ART in predicting recall or comprehension. Taken together, these results suggest that these features collectively present processing difficulties for readers of all levels of experience.

From a cognitive science perspective, our results provide insight into the long-puzzling issue of why contracts and other legal texts appear so difficult to understand for laypeople. Some legal theorists have taken the position that “law is a system built upon expert knowledge of technical concepts,” such as habeas corpus, promissory estoppel, and voir dire (Tobia, 2019). As a result, the processing difficulty of legal texts is simply a natural result of not knowing specialized legal concepts. Others have argued that “law is a system built upon ordinary concepts,” such as cause, consent, and best interest (Tobia, 2019; Tobia, 2021). In which case, processing difficulty could be explained by psycholinguistic factors.

Our findings better align with an ordinary concepts account of legal language. Previous work in the general psycholinguistics literature has suggested that center-embedded clauses are difficult to process due to the working memory constraints they impose on readers. Correspondingly, the fact that center-embedded clauses were more than twice as prevalent per sentence in the contract corpus than in the standard-English corpus, and inhibited recall to a greater degree than other features in our experimental study suggests that the cause of the processing difficulty of legal texts may be largely related to working memory costs as opposed to a mere lack of understanding of specialized legal concepts.

Furthermore, if certain concepts are not known by those without expert legal training, then one would not expect to find many words to describe those concepts aside from the low-frequency jargon used by legal experts (just as there are no higher-frequency synonyms for terms such as quark or electron in physics, for example). Consequently, the fact that our corpus analysis revealed that contracts contained even more cases of words with high-frequency synonyms than standard English texts undercuts the view that processing difficulty is driven merely by lack of specialized knowledge. Although it is conceivable that specialized concepts contribute to the perceived processing difficulty of legal texts, our results suggest that insofar as low-frequency legal terminology presents processing difficulty for laypeople, this often results not from unfamiliarity with the concept underlying that terminology but with the terminology itself (such as the phrases ab initio and ex post facto, which in many cases respectively can be simplified to “from the start” and “after the fact”).

From a policy perspective, these findings also provide insight into the long-standing issue of how to ease the processing difficulty of legal texts for laypeople. Efforts to simplify legal language over the last 50 years have focused largely on public legal documents, despite the fact that contracts and other private legal documents are more commonly encountered by laypeople–and increasingly so with the rise of the internet and online terms of service agreements. The fact that contracts contain a stunningly high proportion of features that incur processing difficulty in laypeople that can be feasibly replaced with easier-to-process alternatives underscores the importance for efforts to simplify legal language to not neglect private legal documents. Moreover, the fact that certain features that are common to legal texts–such as center embedding and low-frequency words–appear to inhibit recall to a greater degree than others, such as passive voice, suggests that lawyers interested in simplifying legal texts for the benefit of readers ought to prioritize unpacking clauses into separate sentences and opting for higher frequency synonyms when possible.

The main effect of language experience on comprehension performance suggests that those with less language experience have a harder time understanding legal texts. Given that those with less reading experience as a group tend to be of lower socioeconomic status (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Kieffer, 2010), and those of lower SES face greater disenfranchisement from the legal system (Legal Services Corporation, 2017), this suggests that simplifying contracts may have non-trivial access to justice implications, particularly as their prevalence increases. At the same time, the fact that those with higher reading experience also struggled to comprehend and understand contracts written in legalese suggests that redrafting texts into a simpler register would have beneficial effects for those of all reading levels.

To better understand how to integrate these findings, we should aim to understand why lawyers choose to write in such an esoteric manner in the first place. One possibility is that legal language must be written so as to maintain communicative precision. This possibility is undercut by our results and previous findings that show comprehension of legal content with a simplified register (e.g., Masson & Waldron, 1994). While it seems entirely plausible that certain legal jargon is inevitable, our results suggest that in many instances such jargon can be replaced with simpler alternatives that increase recall and comprehension while preserving meaning.

Another possibility is that lawyers choose to write in a complex manner to convey their priorities. For example, if a lawyer prioritizes the user's responsibilities they may focus on making them clear at the expense of other content (e.g., company's obligations). If the lawyer's priorities differ from the reader's priorities they may even do this implicitly as opposed to engaging in an outright “conspiracy of gobbledegook” (Mellinkoff, 2004).

Lastly, lawyers may not choose to write in an esoteric manner. Similar to the “curse of knowledge” (Hinds, 1999; Nickerson, 1999), they may not realize that their language is too complicated for the average reader to understand (Azuelos-Atias, 2018). This hypothesis appears to be supported by previous findings that show an effect of features such as prior knowledge and reading skill on the processing of specialized texts (Cain, Oakhill, & Lemmon, 2004; Kendeou & Van Den Broek, 2007; Long, Prat, Johns, Morris, & Jonathan, 2008; Noordman & Vonk, 1992; Ozuru, Dempsey, & McNamara, 2009). Similarly, one might predict that lawyers would be equally likely to comprehend contracts if they were drafted in an esoteric style as they would if they were drafted in a simpler register, which may render them less able to appreciate the difficulty of these features for those without legal training. Further work into the plausibility of these hypotheses could yield insight into how best to persuade lawyers to integrate the findings of our and similar studies and help alleviate the growing mismatch between the ubiquity and impenetrability of legal texts in the modern era.

The authors explore whether mandatory, universal, in-person sexual misconduct training achieves its goals to build knowledge about sexual assault and harassment and increase intentions to report episodes of assault

Effects of Mandatory Sexual Misconduct Training on University Campuses. Mala Htun et al. Socius, September 20, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1177/23780231221124574

Abstract: The authors explore whether mandatory, universal, in-person sexual misconduct training achieves its goals to build knowledge about sexual assault and harassment and increase intentions to report episodes of assault. The authors present results from three studies with quasi-experimental designs as well as interviews with students and staff members at a diverse public university in the western United States. The surprising finding is that participating in training makes women students less likely to say they that will report experiences of sexual assault to university authorities. The training produces some small positive effects: students gain broader definitions of sexual misconduct and are less likely to endorse common rape myths, and women students express less sexist attitudes immediately after training. This study raises questions about whether one-shot training helps reduce sexual violence and increase reporting on college campuses and whether universities should invest in these types of training.

Discussion

The most striking finding of our study is that women students become less likely to say that they would report experiences of sexual assault after participating in sexual misconduct training. We see a 12 percentage point decline in the share of women who say they would report assault to the university. The share of men who say that they would report assault does not change. In addition, women become more likely to say they would encounter retaliation if they report.

Our results imply that the university’s considerable investments in reporting did not change women’s perceptions of reporting’s desirability and its risks. Women do not all welcome the possibility of reporting assault, and they are more worried about the consequences of reporting than are men. Not reporting allows women to downplay a bad experience, reject the label of victim, and preserve their existing relationships (Khan et al. 2018). Sitting through sexual misconduct training—perhaps by concretizing the meaning of assault for survivors or potential survivors—may actually induce greater resistance to reporting among women.

On the brighter side, we find that training expands student knowledge about, and attitudes toward, sexual assault and harassment in ways intended by the university and the federal government’s Title IX goals. This is potentially important, as changing knowledge and attitudes may be necessary to change the culture surrounding gendered violence on college campuses (Hirsch et al. 2019). However, the effect sizes are small and reflect the training’s immediate impact, as our study design precluded gathering evidence of changes in behavior and attitudes after more time had passed.²³ Future research should probe whether the positive and negative effects of the training endure over the medium to longer term.

In contrast to other work showing that discussions of sexual assault and harassment activate gender stereotypes (e.g. Tinkler 2013), our surveys do not show that training aggravates sexist beliefs. However, we do find that men’s and women’s views on sexism diverge more after the training (see Figure 5). Some of our interviews suggest that for some people—and despite trainers’ gender neutral discourse and avoidance of the male perpetrator–female victim stereotype—the training may have reinforced differences between men and women. For example, one woman student told us she found the training to be “isolating”:

it made everyone feel, like the genders, feel polarized. So, when I walked in there, I was having a comfortable conversation with my neighbor who was a man and by the end it was like we were trying to distance our seats as much as we could from each other.²⁴

The need to comply with federal mandates motivated university officials to develop the training program we studied, as is the case with hundreds of other institutions of higher education around the country. At our study site, the compliance process was intense because of the DOJ oversight agreement. The agreement led to multiple changes in policy and process, which were necessary and overdue, but it also had some detrimental effects on institutional culture.

A senior university leader characterized the challenge of reducing sexual assault on campus in the following way:

How do you solve a problem? Look to other cases of institutional success. [such as our work to increase graduation rates] Leadership took a strong stand and communicated a clear message. We made the issue a priority. We targeted problem cases. We did research and got data [that ruled out what many people thought to be the source of the problem]. . . . But it’s hard to launch this process under the guise of a [federal] investigation, which makes everyone defensive and resentful.²⁵

University administrators had mixed interpretations of how much programming federal guidelines required. As one compliance officer put it, “I have super high expectations of what it means to meet [federal] expectations, but others see it more minimally.”²⁶ Senior university leaders assigned responsibility for sexual violence prevention to certain campus units without giving them the extra staffing and budget that serious efforts require. One administrator of these units noted that the university “is continuing the pattern of marginalization and underfunding of these issues.”²⁷ 

Laughter, play faces and mimicry in animals: evolution and social functions

Laughter, play faces and mimicry in animals: evolution and social functions. Marina Davila-Ross and Elisabetta Palagi. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. September 21 2022. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2021.0177

Abstract: Human laughter and laugh faces show similarities in morphology and function with animal playful expressions. To better understand primordial uses and effects of human laughter and laugh faces, it is important to examine these positive expressions in animals from both homologous and analogous systems. Phylogenetic research on hominids provided empirical evidence on shared ancestry across these emotional expressions, including human laughter and laugh faces. In addition, playful expressions of animals, in general, arguably have a key role in the development of social cognitive skills, a role that may help explain their polyphyletic history. The present work examines the evolution and function of playful expressions in primates and other animals. As part of this effort, we also coded for muscle activations of six carnivore taxa with regard to their open-mouth faces of play; our findings provide evidence that these carnivore expressions are homologues of primate open-mouth faces of play. Furthermore, our work discusses how the expressions of animal play may communicate positive emotions to conspecifics and how the motor resonance of these expressions increases affiliation and bonding between the subjects, resembling in a number of ways the important social–emotional effects that laughter and laugh faces have in humans.

3. Social use of open-mouth faces, laughter and other play vocalizations

(a) Play coordination, social cohesion and the development of skills

The differences in modality and anatomy of play expressions as well as their polyphyletic history indicate that these expressions have a complexity in both form and function. Carnivores and primates seem to modify their play expressions when they receive the attention of their playmates [38,45,58,80,81], and chimpanzees and bonobos are known to also modify them if the mothers of their infant playmates are nearby [82] or group members are attentive to the sender [83,84]. Multiple social functions of play expressions that are not necessarily mutually exclusive have been discussed.

As mentioned earlier in the present work, an important function of animal play expressions is to signal ‘this is play’, which helps to coordinate actions among playmates [46,85–87]. Probably most importantly, such signalling is likely to help avoid escalation into real fights during rougher play and, consequently, to prevent getting hurt, especially when the playmates are dissimilar in strength and do not have close social relationships [74,88–90].

Whereas mammals produce both types of open-mouth faces in both gentle and rough play [35,58], their upper-teeth exposure, which resembles wide-open mouth displays of submission and appeasement [39,54], tends to occur more often during rough play [37,60,91]. Similarly, play vocalizations seem to be predominantly produced in rough-and-tumble [74]. Thus, these types of expressions might signal to the recipient ‘this is just play’. It is also possible that the playmates widen their mouths further and expose their teeth owing to having to breathe more intensely and loudly during rough-and-tumble. Furthermore, the individuals producing these expressions could be in a state of high arousal and show more play biting [56]. The open-mouth faces without exposed teeth, on the other hand, seem to be less dependent on play intensity and have a more general application within play [37,56,60].

Consistent with the claim that play expressions signal ‘this is play’ or ‘this is just play’, empirical findings show that these expressions from rodents to primates may permit play actions and play bouts to be prolonged [58,84,86,87,89,92,93]. Furthermore, animals can sometimes produce open-mouth faces as part of the play invitation (e.g. when hitting the other playmate prior to play), and such signalling here is likely to help invite to play [60]. Such increase in playful interactions, key affiliative behaviours in social animals, is likely to have a notable impact on social bonding and, consequently, other behaviours among group members [43,94–98]. In humans, it is also known that laughter helps social cohesion [1,99]. Five-month-old infants already respond differently when hearing friends laughing together compared with strangers behaving this way [100].

In accordance with Barbara Fredrickson's Broaden-and-Build Theory of Positive Emotions, play expressions may contribute to the development of a range of skills that are central for individuals living in social groups, including social-cognitive skills [4]. Supporting this claim, play may consist of cooperative and competitive behaviours, where young individuals can practise with low risk a range of behaviours and further explore the impact these behaviours have on their conspecifics [93,101], which may become more relevant at a later stage in their development [102]. Such functions are consistent with the notion that positive expressions, such as laughter and other play expressions, do not necessarily need to constantly have immediate benefits, and perhaps their range in function makes them different from negative expressions, where it can be crucial to respond quickly in a risky situation [4,5].

Despite overlapping contexts, play vocalizations and open-mouth faces are at least to some extent likely to differ in function. Play vocalizations seem to be more limited to the context of play than open-mouth faces ([84]; for functional flexibility, see [103,104]). Although open-mouth faces occur predominantly during play bouts, they have also been observed shortly prior to them in order to invite a conspecific to play [105]. On a few occasions, they have been observed fully outside of play. One such incident took place at the Serengeti Park Hodenhagen, where Pia, a juvenile chimpanzee, was unsuccessfully play-inviting her father by pulling his hair (see [33]). As he did not budge, Pia left the scene, laid down to relax for a while, and suddenly started producing open-mouth faces (for a video footage, see [33]). Such rare incidents, where open-mouth faces that occur after nonaggressive violations of expectations resemble the use of human laughter linked to benign violations and humour [106,107], can already be observed in humans during infancy [108].

Perhaps the main difference in playful expressions between human and nonhuman animals lies in their occurrence. Human laughter and laugh faces with their sophisticated volitional as well as spontaneous forms are characteristic components of human everyday social interactions that may certainly vary in function and express, for instance, politeness, embarrassment, mocking and Schadenfreude [9,11,109,110]. They show a level of control that has, to our knowledge, not been found for animal play expressions, at least thus far.

(b) Mimicking and why it may be important for animals

The matching of expressions has a special role in animal play, where the expression of one playmate induces the same expression in another playmate. It has been mainly studied in the form of mimicry (e.g. dogs–horses [46], carnivores [58,62,111,112], primates [26,34,86,92,113]). Mimicry involves an automatic response system that is perhaps most easily observable as rapid mimicry, with a response latency of 1 s or less [114,115]. Rapid mimicry within short-distance communication has been predominantly observed in playful contexts, perhaps because they represent a platform for acquiring a range of social, emotional and cognitive skills [4,5].

The matching of animal play expressions, however, also comes in other types. For instance, delayed matching responses have been reported for primate open-mouth faces and play vocalizations [86,92,112]. Although caution is necessary when discussing why these responses were slower than rapid mimicry, it is interesting to note that humans sometimes respond more slowly when the behaviour is volitional, because additional neural processes are then involved compared with rapid mimicry (see [114,116,117]). Furthermore, the matching of play expressions among animals may range from being exact, i.e. with the same variant matched (e.g. open-mouth faces with upper lips raised [58,112]), to being distinct, i.e. with a different variant of the same expression matched (e.g. long laugh bouts seem to induce short laugh bouts [86]). Interestingly, previous studies have examined only dyadic constellations, so that research is needed to quantitatively explore if triadic facial expressions can occur in primates and other animals.

Thus, the matching of play expressions comes in various types, suggesting that they take up important functions among animals. Such matching is likely to heightened advantages that already come with spontaneously producing play expressions. Owing to its facial and vocal feedback component, it may serve even further as a social glue than spontaneous play expressions and may also contribute more to modulating interactions among playing animals [58,92]. In lowland gorillas, for instance, Bresciani and colleagues [118] found that such matching is prolonged when the facial response of the receiver mirrors the facial constellation of the playmate.

Although it can be problematic to link behavioural actions consistently with emotional states [119–121], expressions of play seem to be, in general, closely associated with positive affect in both nonhuman animals and humans (see [33]). Perhaps the context of gentle solitary play shows its link to positive states in animals most readily. For example, expressions produced by a young animal playing by her/himself are unlikely to have an interactive application value, making it reasonable to argue that such expressions are positive emotional outbursts. Such a link to affect may certainly be sustained during social interactions. Consequently, the mirror effect of play expressions may well be linked to elevated valence arousal states among playmates.

Two distinctive pathways that may lead to such an elevated state have received notable research attention [122–125]. First, the matching response is induced on a motoric level, a pathway that has been discussed in relation with behavioural contagion [126,127] as well as motor mimicry [122,128]. In this case, a spontaneous play expression triggers the same expression in the other playmate. Especially for motor mimicry, it has been argued that the motor resonance may trigger in the recipient the same emotional state experienced by the playmate [34,128,129]. However, emotions do not necessarily need to be involved when a behaviour is matched. The matching of behaviours may indicate, for instance, that the playmates are already in comparable states, perhaps in elevated positive states, which could help to prolong play. Interestingly, studies on animal play have shown that rapid facial mimicry and delayed laugh responses are linked to longer play bouts [34,58,62,86,92]. Whereas not all matching expressions in play must be linked to affect, it seems reasonable to argue that this association will strengthen over time, especially since young animals typically experience myriad playful events with familiar conspecifics.

Second, the matching response is affect-induced [122,130]. Here, a spontaneous play expression of a playmate causes an elevated positive state in the other playmate, a state that then induces the behavioural response. Whereas the two mentioned pathways may both result in elevated positive emotional states that are likely to benefit the playmates in multiple ways (for benefits of play, see [4,5]) it is difficult to determine which is the underlying path for the various forms of matching in animal play. What we know with more certainty is that any involved emotion state changes are likely to be minimal if the studied animals are already playfully interacting, i.e. in the same social–emotional context.

To systematically test for positive emotional contagion, where an emotional state spreads across individuals, it is important to have subjects socially and emotionally disconnected and, preferably, to examine them beyond a dyadic level [131,132]. An interesting study by Schwing and colleagues [75] on keas, a playful parrot species, demonstrated that played-back recordings of play vocalizations induce play behaviours in conspecifics previously involved in other behaviours. This study supports the notion that positive emotional contagion might not be a human-unique phenomenon. Interestingly, similar playback approaches carried out with chimpanzee laughter recordings did not show a comparable outcome in their conspecifics [133,134]. Unlike humans [135], chimpanzees do not seem to produce laughter merely based on hearing such vocalizations.

Mimicking and other types of behavioural matching within the context of play are also likely to be important for socially learning and practising a wide range of behaviours in humans and nonhuman animals [4,5,136]. In support of this notion, there is evidence that animals match the exact variant of the same expression of their playmates [58,112] and that the matching of play expressions may differ in form and function between social groups [86,137,138]. This brings us back to the Power Asymmetry Hypothesis [59], which could be extended to colony differences. Colonies may differ in the degree in which they show tolerance and aggression [139,140] and it seems reasonable to argue that clearer forms of communication may be essential when there is more risk of getting hurt (see [59]). Furthermore, the absence of the exposed upper teeth in the laughing chimpanzees at Burgers' Zoo, mentioned by Jan van Hooff in his pioneering work [41], and its presence in other chimpanzee colonies (see [26]) might indicate group differences regarding this facial feature. Exact matching of facial variants could help explain such potential differences. However, this topic requires further research.

Interestingly, there is some indication that the upper-teeth exposure develops at a later stage in immature primates [57,105], so that its occurrence throughout the developmental trajectory could depend on the exact matching mechanism and the social environment. More research is, however, needed on this topic. In a recent psychoacoustic study, Kret et al. [141] played back human infant laughter to adult participants, who were asked to determine the airflow direction from the recordings. The researchers found that the infants produced laughter increasingly as an egressive vocalization (i.e. a vocalization that is produced during the exhalation phase only; see [22,142]) over time and that this acoustic trait was perceived to be more positive by the adult listeners [141]. Such developmental findings could indicate that human infants already adjust laughter to their acoustic environment via social feedback.