Sociocognitive Conflict Regulation: How to Make Sense of Diverging Ideas. Fabrizio Butera, Nicolas Sommet, Céline Darnon. Current Directions in Psychological Science, February 4, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721418813986
Abstract: Sociocognitive conflict arises when people hold different views or ideas about the same object, and it has the potential to promote learning, cognitive development, and positive social relations. The promotion of these outcomes, however, depends on how the conflict is regulated and with what goals: Mastery goals predict epistemic conflict regulation and the elaboration of multiple ideas, performance-approach goals predict competitive conflict regulation and the promotion of one’s own ideas, and performance-avoidance goals predict protective conflict regulation and yielding to other people’s ideas. Conflict regulation thus determines the conditions under which confronting diverging ideas results in positive cognitive and relational outcomes.
Keywords: sociocognitive conflict, conflict regulation, achievement goals, learning, cognitive development
---
The concept of conflict has a lengthy history in psy-chological science, albeit with different interpretations. From early studies on intergroup conflict (Sherif, 1966) to more recent work on oppression (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001), social psychology has traditionally focused on destructive conflicts (Sommet, Quiamzade, & Butera, 2017) based on competition between individuals and between groups. On the contrary, from Piaget’s studies on the equilibration of cognitive structures (1975/1985) to work on conceptual change (Chi, 2008), cognitive psychology and the learning sciences have focused on constructive conflicts based on individual exposure to contradictory information (Limón, 2001). The present article presents the integrative framework of sociocog-nitive conflict stemming from research on sociocogni-tive development (Doise & Mugny, 1984) and social influence (Pérez & Mugny, 1996). This line of research has demonstrated that conflict can be either construc-tive or destructive depending on the way it is regulated (Butera, Darnon, & Mugny, 2011).
The Concept of Sociocognitive Conflict
The concept of sociocognitive conflict was introduced by Mugny and Doise (1978) and Doise and Mugny (1984) to account for the finding that children interact-ing with others are more likely to progress on a task than children working alone. This work was based on Piaget’s concept of cognitive conflict (Piaget, 1975/1985), which arises when a child’s cognitive structures are disrupted by new and inconsistent information. The disequilibrium that ensues requires some adjustment in the child’s cognitive structures, which leads to more elaborate knowledge and cognitive gains. Very often, however, direct information from the object is not available or is misleading, cognitive conflict does not take place, and people may carry on with false or suboptimal knowledge.
Doise and Mugny (1984) reasoned that children reach a higher level of cognitive development when interacting with others than when working alone because the disequilibrium may come from the diver-gent point of view of their partner. The disruption of previous knowledge by a dissenting partner is called sociocognitive conflict. This conflict requires some adjustment and may thereby result in more elaborate knowledge. The constructive effects of such conflictual interactions have been documented in dozens of experiments with children (Doise & Mugny, 1984) and adults (Darnon, Buchs, & Butera, 2002), replicated by other laboratories (Ames & Murray, 1982), and extended to the realm of professional and political decision making (see Johnson’s, 2015, work on “constructive controversy”) and interactions in computer-supported collaborative learning groups (see Kapur’s, 2008, work on “productive failure”).
Importantly, the observed progress is accounted for by conflict and not merely by interaction: Mugny and Doise (1978) showed that interaction led to progress even when a child interacted with a partner who had a lower level of cognitive development, which is incon-sistent with an explanation in terms of the mere transfer of competences. Later, Doise and Mugny (1979) showed that interindividual conflict (between two children with opposing viewpoints) led to greater cognitive progress than intraindividual conflict (each child experiencing two viewpoints).
Table 1. Items Used to Assess Self-Reported Sociocognitive Conflict Regulation (From Darnon, Muller, Schrager, Pannuzzo, & Butera, 2006; Sommet et al., 2014)
Conflict-regulation strategy: Epistemic
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Try to think about the text again in order to understand better?
•Try to examine the conditions under which each point of view could help you understand?
•Try to think of a solution that could integrate both points of view?
Conflict-regulation strategy: Competitive relational
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Try to resist by maintaining your initial position?
•Try to show your partner was wrong?
•Try to show you were right?
Conflict-regulation strategy: Protective relational
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Think your partner was certainly more correct than you?
•Comply with his/her proposition?
•Agree with his/her own way of viewing things?
Table 2. Instructions Used to Manipulate Achievement Goals (From Darnon, Harackiewicz, Butera, Mugny, & Quiamzade, 2007; Darnon, Muller, Schrager, Pannuzzo, & Butera, 2006)
Achievement goal: Mastery
“It is very important for you to accurately understand the aims of this experiment. You are here to acquire new knowledge that could be useful to you, to understand correctly the experiments and the ideas developed in the text, and to discover new concepts. In other words, you are here to learn.”
Achievement goal: Performance-approach
“The experimenters will evaluate your performance. It is important for you to perform well and obtain a good grade on the different tasks presented here. You should know that a lot of students will do this task. You are asked to keep in mind that you should try to distinguish yourself positively, that is, to perform better than the majority of students. In other words, what we ask you here is to show your competencies, your abilities.”
Achievement goal: Performance-avoidance
“The experimenters will evaluate your performance. It is important for you to avoid performing poorly and not obtain a bad grade on the different tasks presented here. You should know that a lot of students will do this task. You are asked to keep in mind that you should try not to distinguish yourself negatively, that is, try not to perform more poorly than the majority of students. In other words, what we ask you here is to avoid performing poorly.”
Sex
researchers often feel sympathy for marginalized groups, especially
when the groups have been marginalized due to irrational intolerance of
sexuality. I have sympathized with various marginalized groups
throughout my career, starting with homosexual people (back when they
were marginalized), then transsexuals, and recently pedophiles, among
others.1
Members
of sexually marginalized groups are human. This means that they will
sometimes be tempted to make unreasonable demands on scientists and
accusations against scientists who resist those demands. I have
occasionally angered members of sexually marginalized groups. For
example, during the 1990s some gay men disliked the idea that there is
an association between homosexuality and gender nonconformity. I have
devoted considerable effort to studying this association, which I now
consider beyond reasonable doubt. I have written about
autogynephilia—also beyond reasonable doubt and a common reason why
Western natal males become transsexual (Lawrence, 2012)—despite
the livid reactions of some transsexuals. I have angered bisexual men
by publishing research suggesting that some do not have bisexual arousal
patterns (Rieger, Chivers, & Bailey, 2005), while conceding bisexual identity and behavior clearly exist.
I
have offended sexually marginalized group by prioritizing the goals of
sex research—putting forward plausible hypotheses, collecting and
publishing data, drawing conclusions from data rather than my
preferences, and making clear and correct arguments to the best of my
abilities—over advocating for anyone, including marginalized groups. I
have done so even when some groups insisted that my sex research harmed
them. If I had prioritized advocacy, I likely would have refrained from
conducting, or at least publishing, the offending research. That would
have harmed sex research and would not have benefited the offended
groups in any defensible way.
Thinking
about groups can mislead one into ignoring important variation within
groups. Many gay men embrace gender nonconformity—witness the success
(twice) of the U.S. television show “Queer Eye for the Straight Guy.”
And some—we do not know what proportion—of males who fantasize about
being female not only admit their autogynephilia, they embrace it and
express relief that they are not alone (Lawrence, 2012; Saotome-Westlake, 2016).
Supporting transgender persons who oppose autogynephilia theory is
failing to support (or more accurately silencing) those who support the
theory. What to do? An advocate would go with the majority, I suppose,
although it would be difficult to get an accurate survey count. A
scientific sex researcher would open discussion, weigh in with knowledge
and data, and feel no compunction. To the extent that some members of a
marginalized group require that plausible or even factual ideas not be
discussed, they need therapy more than advocacy.
---