Why Boredom Is Interesting. Erin C. Westgate. Current Directions in Psychological Science, November 8, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721419884309
Abstract: Is boredom bad? It is certainly common: Most everybody gets bored. There is a sense that boredom sometimes causes bad things to happen (e.g., substance use, self-harm) and sometimes causes good things to happen (e.g., daydreaming, creativity), but it is hard to understand what boredom does without first understanding what it is. According to the meaning-and-attentional-components (MAC) model of boredom and cognitive engagement, the emotion of boredom signals deficits in attention and meaning. Much like pain, it may not be pleasant, but boredom critically alerts us that we are unable or unwilling to successfully engage attention in meaningful activities. Whether that is good or bad rests ultimately on how we respond.
Keywords: boredom, meaning, attention, motivation, emotion
When a Russian man stole an army tank and drove it into a local supermarket (Kiryukhinia & Coleman, 2018), you would have been forgiven for thinking he had good reason. Nope, reported journalists: He was just bored.
Tales of bored troublemakers abound. From the odd— bored shopworkers cremating a mouse (“‘Bored’ Workers ‘Cremated Mouse,’” 2019)—to the disturbing—an Irishman caught aiming his pellet gun at drivers (Ferguson & McLean, 2019)—these news stories appear regularly, and the explanation “I was bored” resonates and perplexes. What is it about boredom that drives people to steal military equipment, watch movies on the job, and lay mice to rest? Is boredom really that nefarious?
It is certainly common: Most everybody gets bored (e.g., Chin, Markey, Bhargava, Kassam, & Loewenstein, 2017). Boredom is especially common at work, where it is linked to productivity loss and burnout (Fisher, 1993). It is also common in schools: Students get bored, and bored students do not do very well (Pekrun, Goetz, Daniels, Stupnisky, & Perry, 2010). Indeed, there is growing suspicion that boredom lies behind many socially destructive behaviors, including self-harm, compulsive gambling, and substance use (Mercer & Eastwood, 2010; Weybright, Caldwell, Ram, Smith, & Wegner, 2015). Yet, at the same time, there are calls from public intellectuals for people to experience more boredom in the belief that it leads to greater well-being (Paul, 2019). Who is right? To understand when boredom is good (and when it is bad), we first need to understand what boredom is.
Attention and Meaning: Boredom’s Key Ingredients
If you are reading this, you have almost certainly had the lamentable experience of reading a boring article. We all know the feeling: Dread and irritation build, your mind wanders, you check the clock and remaining page count, or even surrender and sneak a glimpse at your phone. In short, you are bored. But why? There could be something amiss with the environment—too much constraint or too little stimulation or arousal (Berlyne, 1960). According to attentional theories, such environmental features foster understimulation that makes it difficult to focus (Csikszentmihalyi, 2000; Eastwood, Frischen, Fenske, & Smilek, 2012). There is excellent evidence that difficulty paying attention translates into feelings of boredom and that understimulation can cause inattention. But such theories do not account for times when inattention is the result of overstimulation—too much going on rather than too little—and overlook a greater problem: Sometimes attention is not the issue.
Many functional approaches to boredom set attention aside to consider its underlying purpose; their proponents argue that boredom is a signal meant to alert people to underlying problems, most often concerning goals, meaning, or opportunity costs (e.g., van Tilburg & Igou, 2012). If inattention results in boredom, such individuals argue, it is because inattention is an indirect signal that what you are doing lacks value or meaning. But that does not explain instances when people are bored during otherwise meaningful activities.
Which is it then? Is boredom caused by inattention resulting from understimulation? Or is boredom caused by a lack of meaning? Both are (partially) right.1 The meaning-and-attentional-components (MAC) model of boredom and cognitive engagement unifies past work that has examined attention, meaning, and their environmental correlates in isolation and brings these ideas together to explain what boredom is and why we experience it.
Friday, November 8, 2019
From 2014...The Price of Envy—An Experimental Investigation of Spiteful Behavior
From 2014...The Price of Envy—An Experimental Investigation of
Spiteful Behavior. Inga Wobker. Managerial and Decision Economics, April
21 2014. https://doi.org/10.1002/mde.2672
Abstract: When receiving less resources than a competitor, envy may be evoked that may result in spiteful behavior. This paper applies evolutionary theory to understand envy and its outcomes. A theoretical framework is developed that is based on the cause–effect relationships of unequal outcomes, envy, defection of cooperation, and welfare loss. To test this framework, an experiment with 136 participants is run. The results confirm that receiving less than another can indeed lead to experiences of envy and defection of future cooperation, producing a welfare loss of one‐sixth.
4.1. Discussion
The overall objective of this research was to study envyand its influence on spiteful behavior in an experimentalsetting with economic relevance. Evolutionary theoryprovided a supportive framework for studying the issue.
An unequal distribution of resources led to feelingsof envy in those who were worse off, which is in linewith prior literature (Hill and Buss, 2008b; Leach,2008). One-third of the losers chose to act spitefullyand reduce the other players’ balances. In a similar experiment by Celse (2009), participants with different levels of endowment could reduce the other players’ payoff at own cost. Of the participants with a lowerendowment than their opponents (equal to the losers inthis experiment), 31.9% reduced the other player’s balance at a personal cost. This may indicate that the rateof approximately one-third of the agents who are willing to behave spitefully is stably distributed in the population. However, one has to bear in mind that different expectations about the outcomes of the resource division probably will moderate the satisfaction with the outcome. For example, if an actor only expects a fraction of the outcome of what the others obtain, this outcome of the resource division is, however, still profitable for her or him, when actually receiving less than others, in this case, this does not trigger envy.
Although spiteful behavior as a reaction to resourcedeficiencies may be the best individual strategy (Hilland Buss, 2008b), it is certainly not the best strategy for a group or organization as a whole, as it produces welfare losses (Garay and Móri, 2011). Recognizing the impact of envy for agents may lead to new understandings of inefficient organizations and welfare losses and may help to develop approaches that better manage the destructive influence of emotions (more precisely,social emotions—those triggered by social comparisons), on behavior (Manner and Gowdy, 2008).
Agents who acted spitefully stated several motivations for their actions. Their attitude—that if they could not have the money, then no one should have it—is a common feature of envy (Feather and Nairn, 2005) and supports the evolutionary perspective that when itis not possible for a person to obtain the resource, nocompetitor should have it either, in order to preserve relative fitness (Hill and Buss, 2008a, 2008b). Some agents expressed the opinion that the distribution wasunjust as insofar that the opposing agents won and that they themselves did not. This attitude corresponds tothe traditional scholarly view that subjective assump-tions of undeserved advantage trigger envy (Featherand Sherman, 2002; Feather and Nairn, 2005; Smithand Kim, 2007), which, in turn, triggers ill will. If an agent is observed to have something that he or sheshould not have—even though this state of not deserving may be very subjective—it is understandable that the envious agent would feel hostile toward that enviedagent (Smithet al., 1994). Motivation that arises fromreasons of distributive justice is a very subjective response. Both agents had exactly the same chance of winning, so no objective criteria of fairness have been corrupted. Retaliation of the winner could be interpretedas a punishment for a defection of equity (Xiao andHouser, 2005; Axelrod and Hamilton, 2006). When an agent reduces the other agent’s prize and explains the decision on the simple basis that it is an option of the game, the stated motivation can be interpreted as apossible expression of disguised envy. A logical hypothesis for this behavior is that the agents neededto justify the reduction to themselves and to the experimenter and wanted to blame their desire to reduce on features of the game rather than on their envy.
5. CONCLUSION
The overall objective of this research was to studythe influence of envy on spiteful behavior and to understand the negative effects of envy on inter-firm and intra-firm relations. The evolutionary theory provided a supportive framework for studying the issue. In the study designed, agents played a lottery that provided them with unequal distribution and could subsequently create financial harm for each other at their own cost. One-third of thelosers in the lottery acted spitefully and reducedthe winners’balances by half. The observed welfare losses accumulated to one-seventh of thetotal income value.Addressing the broader aspects of envy, in orderto fully understand the nature of envy and its implications for relationships, more research is needed (Smith and Kim, 2007). Systematically integrating envy and other other-regarding preferences into economic modeling can provide a refreshing viewpoint in the investigation of human behavior (Horstet al., 2006; Kirman and Teschl, 2010). It will be interesting to see whether, and in what ways, this study will help to motivate researcher sto focus research on this fascinating emotion in this field—where, despite the relevance of inter-firm and intra-firm relations, the concept of envy is still neglected. It may be hoped for that adopting an evolutionary perspective on these questions will lead to more effective management strategies fo rdealing with envy
Abstract: When receiving less resources than a competitor, envy may be evoked that may result in spiteful behavior. This paper applies evolutionary theory to understand envy and its outcomes. A theoretical framework is developed that is based on the cause–effect relationships of unequal outcomes, envy, defection of cooperation, and welfare loss. To test this framework, an experiment with 136 participants is run. The results confirm that receiving less than another can indeed lead to experiences of envy and defection of future cooperation, producing a welfare loss of one‐sixth.
4.1. Discussion
The overall objective of this research was to study envyand its influence on spiteful behavior in an experimentalsetting with economic relevance. Evolutionary theoryprovided a supportive framework for studying the issue.
An unequal distribution of resources led to feelingsof envy in those who were worse off, which is in linewith prior literature (Hill and Buss, 2008b; Leach,2008). One-third of the losers chose to act spitefullyand reduce the other players’ balances. In a similar experiment by Celse (2009), participants with different levels of endowment could reduce the other players’ payoff at own cost. Of the participants with a lowerendowment than their opponents (equal to the losers inthis experiment), 31.9% reduced the other player’s balance at a personal cost. This may indicate that the rateof approximately one-third of the agents who are willing to behave spitefully is stably distributed in the population. However, one has to bear in mind that different expectations about the outcomes of the resource division probably will moderate the satisfaction with the outcome. For example, if an actor only expects a fraction of the outcome of what the others obtain, this outcome of the resource division is, however, still profitable for her or him, when actually receiving less than others, in this case, this does not trigger envy.
Although spiteful behavior as a reaction to resourcedeficiencies may be the best individual strategy (Hilland Buss, 2008b), it is certainly not the best strategy for a group or organization as a whole, as it produces welfare losses (Garay and Móri, 2011). Recognizing the impact of envy for agents may lead to new understandings of inefficient organizations and welfare losses and may help to develop approaches that better manage the destructive influence of emotions (more precisely,social emotions—those triggered by social comparisons), on behavior (Manner and Gowdy, 2008).
Agents who acted spitefully stated several motivations for their actions. Their attitude—that if they could not have the money, then no one should have it—is a common feature of envy (Feather and Nairn, 2005) and supports the evolutionary perspective that when itis not possible for a person to obtain the resource, nocompetitor should have it either, in order to preserve relative fitness (Hill and Buss, 2008a, 2008b). Some agents expressed the opinion that the distribution wasunjust as insofar that the opposing agents won and that they themselves did not. This attitude corresponds tothe traditional scholarly view that subjective assump-tions of undeserved advantage trigger envy (Featherand Sherman, 2002; Feather and Nairn, 2005; Smithand Kim, 2007), which, in turn, triggers ill will. If an agent is observed to have something that he or sheshould not have—even though this state of not deserving may be very subjective—it is understandable that the envious agent would feel hostile toward that enviedagent (Smithet al., 1994). Motivation that arises fromreasons of distributive justice is a very subjective response. Both agents had exactly the same chance of winning, so no objective criteria of fairness have been corrupted. Retaliation of the winner could be interpretedas a punishment for a defection of equity (Xiao andHouser, 2005; Axelrod and Hamilton, 2006). When an agent reduces the other agent’s prize and explains the decision on the simple basis that it is an option of the game, the stated motivation can be interpreted as apossible expression of disguised envy. A logical hypothesis for this behavior is that the agents neededto justify the reduction to themselves and to the experimenter and wanted to blame their desire to reduce on features of the game rather than on their envy.
5. CONCLUSION
The overall objective of this research was to studythe influence of envy on spiteful behavior and to understand the negative effects of envy on inter-firm and intra-firm relations. The evolutionary theory provided a supportive framework for studying the issue. In the study designed, agents played a lottery that provided them with unequal distribution and could subsequently create financial harm for each other at their own cost. One-third of thelosers in the lottery acted spitefully and reducedthe winners’balances by half. The observed welfare losses accumulated to one-seventh of thetotal income value.Addressing the broader aspects of envy, in orderto fully understand the nature of envy and its implications for relationships, more research is needed (Smith and Kim, 2007). Systematically integrating envy and other other-regarding preferences into economic modeling can provide a refreshing viewpoint in the investigation of human behavior (Horstet al., 2006; Kirman and Teschl, 2010). It will be interesting to see whether, and in what ways, this study will help to motivate researcher sto focus research on this fascinating emotion in this field—where, despite the relevance of inter-firm and intra-firm relations, the concept of envy is still neglected. It may be hoped for that adopting an evolutionary perspective on these questions will lead to more effective management strategies fo rdealing with envy
Are Aspects of Twitter Use Associated with Reduced Depressive Symptoms? It seems positive for lonely guys.
Are Aspects of Twitter Use Associated with Reduced Depressive Symptoms? The Moderating Role of In-Person Social Support. David A. Cole et al. Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking, Vol. 22, No. 11, , Nov 7 2019. https://doi.org/10.1089/cyber.2019.0035
Abstract: In a two-wave, 4-month longitudinal study of 308 adults, two hypotheses were tested regarding the relation of Twitter-based measures of online social media use and in-person social support with depressive thoughts and symptoms. For four of five measures, Twitter use by in-person social support interactions predicted residualized change in depression-related outcomes over time; these results supported a corollary of the social compensation hypothesis that social media use is associated with greater benefits for people with lower in-person social support. In particular, having a larger Twitter social network (i.e., following and being followed by more people) and being more active in that network (i.e., sending and receiving more tweets) are especially helpful to people who have lower levels of in-person social support. For the fifth measure (the sentiment of Tweets), no interaction emerged; however, a beneficial main effect offset the adverse main effect of low in-person social support.
Discussion
This study examined the longitudinal effects of TU as a
means for offsetting the adverse effects of low social support
on depressive thoughts and symptoms. Two key results
emerged: first, support emerged for our corollary to the social
compensation (or poor-get-richer) hypothesis but not for the
rich-get-richer hypothesis. Four aspects of TU were related
to reductions in depressive thoughts and symptoms, but only
for people with low initial levels of in-person social support.
Second, conveying positive sentiment through Twitter predicted
a reduction in depressive thoughts and feelings, irrespective
of people’s level of in-person social support. Below,
we elaborate on these findings and their implications.
Our first set of findings was consistent with our corollary
to the social compensation hypothesis. People with low social
support showed improvements in depressive thoughts
and feelings over time if they reported four markers of TU:
following more people on Twitter, having more people follow
them on Twitter, posting more Tweets, and having more
of their posts retweeted by others. These markers were unrelated
to depressive thoughts and feelings of people who
already had high levels of in-person social support. These
results support Baker and Algorta’s observation that the effect
of social media on depression-related outcomes is
complicated by social, psychological, and behavioral moderators.
8 The current research provides longitudinal evidence
that in-person social support may be one such moderator.
These results also suggest that social media might be a way
to combat the adverse effects of low social support on mental
health. This possibility is commensurate with the conventional
wisdom that having one or two good friends in one
social niche can offset social adversity in other social niches.
48,49 Perhaps social media platforms represent a modern
version of such niches. We urge caution along these lines as
previous research has also shown that the relation of Twitter
with depression-related outcomes varies as a function of how
(and when) Twitter is used6,7,50–54 (also refer literature reviews
by Guntuku et al.55 and Hur and Gupta56).
Three reasons for this finding are possible.9,57 One is that
meeting people with similar interests or characteristics may
be easier online than in person, especially when such people
are not available within one’s in-person social networks.57–61
For people who lack these affiliations, connecting with others
online may have an especially strong impact. A second
explanation is that the online channels of communication are
simpler, such that people who find it challenging to develop
supportive in-person social networks may be more effective
in the more restricted online world of social media. One’s
ability to interpret nonverbal cues, one’s physical characteristics,
one’s proper use of vocal tone, and one’s timing of
social responses may be less important online than in person.
Nesi et al. referred to this as cue absence in their transformation
theory.62–65 In a related vein, online interactions tend
to be asynchronous. Delays between online communications
might allow people the time to compose more effective responses.
62 Understanding the mechanisms that underlie these
results represents an important avenue for future research.
A third explanation for these results is that the value added
by having online followers may not be as beneficial to people
who already have strong in-person social support, at least
insofar as reducing depressive thoughts and symptoms are
concerned. Some evidence even suggests that having a very
large number of online friends may actually be associated
with negative outcomes.66,67 The current interaction plots
in Figure 1 somewhat reflect this possibility, in that some of
our TU variables appeared to have adverse effects for people
who had strong in-person social supports. We caution
against overinterpreting this result, however, as the slopes for
participants with low social support were not statistically
significant.
Our second set of findings was the significant main effect of
Twitter sentiment, which offset the adverse effect of low inperson
social support. Two aspects of this result deserve
emphasis. First, this finding cannot be explained as consequences
of depression, as it derives from longitudinal analyses
in which prior levels of depression were statistically controlled.
Second, these results were not moderated by level of
social support. The effects of positive sentiment applied to
people at all levels of social support. Indeed, positive Twitter
sentiment offset much of the depressive effects of low inperson
social support. People with problematic social networks
but highly positive Twitter sentiment had similar levels
of depressive symptoms as did people with strong social
networks but more negative Twitter sentiment, reminiscent of
Granovetter’s early work on the strength of weak ties.68
Shapiro and Margolin’s extensive literature review describes
at least four reasons why effective use of online social
media platforms could offset the adverse effects of problematic
face-to-face relationships, especially with respect to
cognitive and emotional outcomes.57 First, people can engage
in selective self-presentation more easily online than in person.
By crafting carefully their online communications and
constructing their online persona, some people can accrue
more positive feedback online than they can in person, which
may in turn result in improvement on psychological outcomes.
64,65 Second, connecting with similar people or with
people who share similar interests may be easier for some
people online than in person, especially when such affiliations
are not available within in-person social networks.58–61 Third,
through the Internet, communicating with others from more
diverse intellectual, political, and social backgrounds can
expand one’s self-identity while enhancing feelings of belongingness
and affiliation.69 Trepte et al. hypothesized that
large, diverse groups may feel more connected with each
other online and are thus more likely to support each other.70
Fourth, self-disclosure may be easier online than in person,
potentially facilitating online social relationships or enabling
people to practice for in-person relationships.71,72
Taken together, these results begin to suggest interesting
supplemental strategies in the prevention of depression in
people who are at risk because of low social support. The
current findings, derived from one of very few longitudinal
studies in this area, increase our understanding about prospective
(not just correlational) relations and could have
implications for the use of social media in prevention research.
12 A powerful next step will be true experimental
research designs in which positive use of social media is
actively manipulated, so that its causal effect on mental
health outcomes can be assessed. If successful, online social
skills training could become a valuable component of comprehensive
depression prevention efforts.
Several shortcomings of this study suggest important avenues
for future research. The first focuses on our sentiment
analysis. Although examining the actual sentiment conveyed
by Twitter communications is a powerful step, in-depth
content analysis of people’s Tweets could reveal more about
more specific aspects of people’s communications that might
be responsible for the relation of sentiment with depressionrelated
outcomes. Furthermore, in short textual passages
(such as Tweets), it is extremely difficult to reliably measure
issues such as sarcasm and irony. Also, some kinds of negatively
toned messages (e.g., expressing distress) could serve
as triggers for positive responses (e.g., emotional support).
Second, depressive thoughts and symptoms are extremely
important mental health outcomes, emblematic of one of the
most common and debilitating classes of mental illnesses;
however, many other important clinical outcomes should
be explored, including Internet addiction, social anxiety,
and obsessive-compulsive disorder.73–75 Third, our study
focused only on Twitter. Other social media platforms exist
generate very different kinds of risks and benefits, which
should be explored. Fourth, we used an observational/
correlation research design, which leaves various ‘‘third
variables’’ uncontrolled. Random assignment to high versus
low Twitter conditions could control for self-selection factors
such as extraversion or level of depression. Fifth, although
use of MTurk for participant recruitment has certain
strengths, weaknesses have also been documented. These
include crosstalk among participants, misrepresentation of
personal characteristics to qualify for studies, and provision
of unreliable results.76–78 Although these issues do seem to
be characteristic of some MTurk participants, research shows
that these problems actually occur at similar rates in samples
obtained from more conventional methods.79 Future studies
should examine the generalizability of the current results
across a wider variety of populations.
Abstract: In a two-wave, 4-month longitudinal study of 308 adults, two hypotheses were tested regarding the relation of Twitter-based measures of online social media use and in-person social support with depressive thoughts and symptoms. For four of five measures, Twitter use by in-person social support interactions predicted residualized change in depression-related outcomes over time; these results supported a corollary of the social compensation hypothesis that social media use is associated with greater benefits for people with lower in-person social support. In particular, having a larger Twitter social network (i.e., following and being followed by more people) and being more active in that network (i.e., sending and receiving more tweets) are especially helpful to people who have lower levels of in-person social support. For the fifth measure (the sentiment of Tweets), no interaction emerged; however, a beneficial main effect offset the adverse main effect of low in-person social support.
Discussion
This study examined the longitudinal effects of TU as a
means for offsetting the adverse effects of low social support
on depressive thoughts and symptoms. Two key results
emerged: first, support emerged for our corollary to the social
compensation (or poor-get-richer) hypothesis but not for the
rich-get-richer hypothesis. Four aspects of TU were related
to reductions in depressive thoughts and symptoms, but only
for people with low initial levels of in-person social support.
Second, conveying positive sentiment through Twitter predicted
a reduction in depressive thoughts and feelings, irrespective
of people’s level of in-person social support. Below,
we elaborate on these findings and their implications.
Our first set of findings was consistent with our corollary
to the social compensation hypothesis. People with low social
support showed improvements in depressive thoughts
and feelings over time if they reported four markers of TU:
following more people on Twitter, having more people follow
them on Twitter, posting more Tweets, and having more
of their posts retweeted by others. These markers were unrelated
to depressive thoughts and feelings of people who
already had high levels of in-person social support. These
results support Baker and Algorta’s observation that the effect
of social media on depression-related outcomes is
complicated by social, psychological, and behavioral moderators.
8 The current research provides longitudinal evidence
that in-person social support may be one such moderator.
These results also suggest that social media might be a way
to combat the adverse effects of low social support on mental
health. This possibility is commensurate with the conventional
wisdom that having one or two good friends in one
social niche can offset social adversity in other social niches.
48,49 Perhaps social media platforms represent a modern
version of such niches. We urge caution along these lines as
previous research has also shown that the relation of Twitter
with depression-related outcomes varies as a function of how
(and when) Twitter is used6,7,50–54 (also refer literature reviews
by Guntuku et al.55 and Hur and Gupta56).
Three reasons for this finding are possible.9,57 One is that
meeting people with similar interests or characteristics may
be easier online than in person, especially when such people
are not available within one’s in-person social networks.57–61
For people who lack these affiliations, connecting with others
online may have an especially strong impact. A second
explanation is that the online channels of communication are
simpler, such that people who find it challenging to develop
supportive in-person social networks may be more effective
in the more restricted online world of social media. One’s
ability to interpret nonverbal cues, one’s physical characteristics,
one’s proper use of vocal tone, and one’s timing of
social responses may be less important online than in person.
Nesi et al. referred to this as cue absence in their transformation
theory.62–65 In a related vein, online interactions tend
to be asynchronous. Delays between online communications
might allow people the time to compose more effective responses.
62 Understanding the mechanisms that underlie these
results represents an important avenue for future research.
A third explanation for these results is that the value added
by having online followers may not be as beneficial to people
who already have strong in-person social support, at least
insofar as reducing depressive thoughts and symptoms are
concerned. Some evidence even suggests that having a very
large number of online friends may actually be associated
with negative outcomes.66,67 The current interaction plots
in Figure 1 somewhat reflect this possibility, in that some of
our TU variables appeared to have adverse effects for people
who had strong in-person social supports. We caution
against overinterpreting this result, however, as the slopes for
participants with low social support were not statistically
significant.
Our second set of findings was the significant main effect of
Twitter sentiment, which offset the adverse effect of low inperson
social support. Two aspects of this result deserve
emphasis. First, this finding cannot be explained as consequences
of depression, as it derives from longitudinal analyses
in which prior levels of depression were statistically controlled.
Second, these results were not moderated by level of
social support. The effects of positive sentiment applied to
people at all levels of social support. Indeed, positive Twitter
sentiment offset much of the depressive effects of low inperson
social support. People with problematic social networks
but highly positive Twitter sentiment had similar levels
of depressive symptoms as did people with strong social
networks but more negative Twitter sentiment, reminiscent of
Granovetter’s early work on the strength of weak ties.68
Shapiro and Margolin’s extensive literature review describes
at least four reasons why effective use of online social
media platforms could offset the adverse effects of problematic
face-to-face relationships, especially with respect to
cognitive and emotional outcomes.57 First, people can engage
in selective self-presentation more easily online than in person.
By crafting carefully their online communications and
constructing their online persona, some people can accrue
more positive feedback online than they can in person, which
may in turn result in improvement on psychological outcomes.
64,65 Second, connecting with similar people or with
people who share similar interests may be easier for some
people online than in person, especially when such affiliations
are not available within in-person social networks.58–61 Third,
through the Internet, communicating with others from more
diverse intellectual, political, and social backgrounds can
expand one’s self-identity while enhancing feelings of belongingness
and affiliation.69 Trepte et al. hypothesized that
large, diverse groups may feel more connected with each
other online and are thus more likely to support each other.70
Fourth, self-disclosure may be easier online than in person,
potentially facilitating online social relationships or enabling
people to practice for in-person relationships.71,72
Taken together, these results begin to suggest interesting
supplemental strategies in the prevention of depression in
people who are at risk because of low social support. The
current findings, derived from one of very few longitudinal
studies in this area, increase our understanding about prospective
(not just correlational) relations and could have
implications for the use of social media in prevention research.
12 A powerful next step will be true experimental
research designs in which positive use of social media is
actively manipulated, so that its causal effect on mental
health outcomes can be assessed. If successful, online social
skills training could become a valuable component of comprehensive
depression prevention efforts.
Several shortcomings of this study suggest important avenues
for future research. The first focuses on our sentiment
analysis. Although examining the actual sentiment conveyed
by Twitter communications is a powerful step, in-depth
content analysis of people’s Tweets could reveal more about
more specific aspects of people’s communications that might
be responsible for the relation of sentiment with depressionrelated
outcomes. Furthermore, in short textual passages
(such as Tweets), it is extremely difficult to reliably measure
issues such as sarcasm and irony. Also, some kinds of negatively
toned messages (e.g., expressing distress) could serve
as triggers for positive responses (e.g., emotional support).
Second, depressive thoughts and symptoms are extremely
important mental health outcomes, emblematic of one of the
most common and debilitating classes of mental illnesses;
however, many other important clinical outcomes should
be explored, including Internet addiction, social anxiety,
and obsessive-compulsive disorder.73–75 Third, our study
focused only on Twitter. Other social media platforms exist
generate very different kinds of risks and benefits, which
should be explored. Fourth, we used an observational/
correlation research design, which leaves various ‘‘third
variables’’ uncontrolled. Random assignment to high versus
low Twitter conditions could control for self-selection factors
such as extraversion or level of depression. Fifth, although
use of MTurk for participant recruitment has certain
strengths, weaknesses have also been documented. These
include crosstalk among participants, misrepresentation of
personal characteristics to qualify for studies, and provision
of unreliable results.76–78 Although these issues do seem to
be characteristic of some MTurk participants, research shows
that these problems actually occur at similar rates in samples
obtained from more conventional methods.79 Future studies
should examine the generalizability of the current results
across a wider variety of populations.
About the Implicit Association Tests (IATs)... Predicting Behavior With Implicit Measures: Disillusioning Findings
Predicting Behavior With Implicit Measures: Disillusioning Findings, Reasonable Explanations, and Sophisticated Solutions. Franziska Meissner, Laura Anne Grigutsch, Nicolas Koranyi, Florian Müller and Klaus Rothermund. Front. Psychol., November 8 2019. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.02483
Two decades ago, the introduction of the Implicit Association Test (IAT) sparked enthusiastic reactions. With implicit measures like the IAT, researchers hoped to finally be able to bridge the gap between self-reported attitudes on one hand and behavior on the other. Twenty years of research and several meta-analyses later, however, we have to conclude that neither the IAT nor its derivatives have fulfilled these expectations. Their predictive value for behavioral criteria is weak and their incremental validity over and above self-report measures is negligible. In our review, we present an overview of explanations for these unsatisfactory findings and delineate promising ways forward. Over the years, several reasons for the IAT’s weak predictive validity have been proposed. They point to four potentially problematic features: First, the IAT is by no means a pure measure of individual differences in associations but suffers from extraneous influences like recoding. Hence, the predictive validity of IAT-scores should not be confused with the predictive validity of associations. Second, with the IAT, we usually aim to measure evaluation (“liking”) instead of motivation (“wanting”). Yet, behavior might be determined much more often by the latter than the former. Third, the IAT focuses on measuring associations instead of propositional beliefs and thus taps into a construct that might be too unspecific to account for behavior. Finally, studies on predictive validity are often characterized by a mismatch between predictor and criterion (e.g., while behavior is highly context-specific, the IAT usually takes into account neither the situation nor the domain). Recent research, however, also revealed advances addressing each of these problems, namely (1) procedural and analytical advances to control for recoding in the IAT, (2) measurement procedures to assess implicit wanting, (3) measurement procedures to assess implicit beliefs, and (4) approaches to increase the fit between implicit measures and behavioral criteria (e.g., by incorporating contextual information). Implicit measures like the IAT hold an enormous potential. In order to allow them to fulfill this potential, however, we have to refine our understanding of these measures, and we should incorporate recent conceptual and methodological advancements. This review provides specific recommendations on how to do so.
Why does he act like this? Why does she not do what she intended to do? In our everyday life, we often try to find explanations for the behavior of others, and of ourselves, respectively. Explaining and predicting behavior is also of key interest across all fields of scientific psychology, especially when it comes to deviations between individuals’ actual behavior and the attitudes, goals, or values held by these very individuals. Why do people discriminate although they report to hold egalitarian values? Why do they not quit smoking although they know that smoking is bad? Why is there a gap between people’s self-reported attitudes and actual behavior?
Dual-process or dual-system models attribute seemingly inconsistent behavior to the triumph of an impulsive system over a reflective system of behavior control (e.g., Strack and Deutsch, 2004; Hofmann et al., 2009; Kahneman, 2011). The notion that the prediction of behavior could be improved considerably if one succeeds in measuring the processes of the impulsive system (Hofmann et al., 2007; Friese et al., 2008; Hofmann and Friese, 2008) fueled research applying so-called implicit measures of attitudes. The most popular of these measures, the Implicit Association Test (IAT, Greenwald et al., 1998) evoked enthusiastic hopes regarding its predictive value. Unfortunately, however, the IAT and its derivatives have not met these expectations.
In this article, we review findings illustrating reasons for the IAT’s unsatisfying predictive value, as well as promising ways forward. We will outline that in order to improve the predictive power of implicit measures, differentiation is key. We will argue that future research should put more emphasis on the underlying processes and concepts behind these measures. We begin with sketching the discrepancy between individuals’ behaviors and their self-expressed attitudes. We then summarize the (mostly unsatisfying) attempts to close this attitude-behavior gap with the help of implicit measures. In the main part of this article, we identify features of implicit measures that are responsible for their weak predictive validity. We review findings illustrating each of these problematic aspects along with specific, sophisticated solutions providing promising directions for future research.
Two decades ago, the introduction of the Implicit Association Test (IAT) sparked enthusiastic reactions. With implicit measures like the IAT, researchers hoped to finally be able to bridge the gap between self-reported attitudes on one hand and behavior on the other. Twenty years of research and several meta-analyses later, however, we have to conclude that neither the IAT nor its derivatives have fulfilled these expectations. Their predictive value for behavioral criteria is weak and their incremental validity over and above self-report measures is negligible. In our review, we present an overview of explanations for these unsatisfactory findings and delineate promising ways forward. Over the years, several reasons for the IAT’s weak predictive validity have been proposed. They point to four potentially problematic features: First, the IAT is by no means a pure measure of individual differences in associations but suffers from extraneous influences like recoding. Hence, the predictive validity of IAT-scores should not be confused with the predictive validity of associations. Second, with the IAT, we usually aim to measure evaluation (“liking”) instead of motivation (“wanting”). Yet, behavior might be determined much more often by the latter than the former. Third, the IAT focuses on measuring associations instead of propositional beliefs and thus taps into a construct that might be too unspecific to account for behavior. Finally, studies on predictive validity are often characterized by a mismatch between predictor and criterion (e.g., while behavior is highly context-specific, the IAT usually takes into account neither the situation nor the domain). Recent research, however, also revealed advances addressing each of these problems, namely (1) procedural and analytical advances to control for recoding in the IAT, (2) measurement procedures to assess implicit wanting, (3) measurement procedures to assess implicit beliefs, and (4) approaches to increase the fit between implicit measures and behavioral criteria (e.g., by incorporating contextual information). Implicit measures like the IAT hold an enormous potential. In order to allow them to fulfill this potential, however, we have to refine our understanding of these measures, and we should incorporate recent conceptual and methodological advancements. This review provides specific recommendations on how to do so.
Why does he act like this? Why does she not do what she intended to do? In our everyday life, we often try to find explanations for the behavior of others, and of ourselves, respectively. Explaining and predicting behavior is also of key interest across all fields of scientific psychology, especially when it comes to deviations between individuals’ actual behavior and the attitudes, goals, or values held by these very individuals. Why do people discriminate although they report to hold egalitarian values? Why do they not quit smoking although they know that smoking is bad? Why is there a gap between people’s self-reported attitudes and actual behavior?
Dual-process or dual-system models attribute seemingly inconsistent behavior to the triumph of an impulsive system over a reflective system of behavior control (e.g., Strack and Deutsch, 2004; Hofmann et al., 2009; Kahneman, 2011). The notion that the prediction of behavior could be improved considerably if one succeeds in measuring the processes of the impulsive system (Hofmann et al., 2007; Friese et al., 2008; Hofmann and Friese, 2008) fueled research applying so-called implicit measures of attitudes. The most popular of these measures, the Implicit Association Test (IAT, Greenwald et al., 1998) evoked enthusiastic hopes regarding its predictive value. Unfortunately, however, the IAT and its derivatives have not met these expectations.
In this article, we review findings illustrating reasons for the IAT’s unsatisfying predictive value, as well as promising ways forward. We will outline that in order to improve the predictive power of implicit measures, differentiation is key. We will argue that future research should put more emphasis on the underlying processes and concepts behind these measures. We begin with sketching the discrepancy between individuals’ behaviors and their self-expressed attitudes. We then summarize the (mostly unsatisfying) attempts to close this attitude-behavior gap with the help of implicit measures. In the main part of this article, we identify features of implicit measures that are responsible for their weak predictive validity. We review findings illustrating each of these problematic aspects along with specific, sophisticated solutions providing promising directions for future research.
Closing Thoughts
In this article, we presented an overview of possible
reasons for the weak relationship between implicit measures like the IAT
and behavioral criteria. We outlined that the unsatisfying predictive
value of the IAT is due to (1) extraneous influences like recoding, (2)
the measurement of liking instead of wanting, (3) the measurement of
associations instead of complex beliefs, and/or (4) a conceptual
mismatch of predictor and criterion. We presented precise solutions for
each of these problems. More precisely, we suggested to switch to
procedural variations that minimize extraneous influences (i.e., the
SB-IAT, Teige-Mocigemba et al., 2008; and the IAT-RF; Rothermund et al., 2009), and to apply sophisticated analysis tools (i.e., the ReAL model, Meissner and Rothermund, 2013)
that separate relevant processes from those extraneous influences.
Second, we presented an overview of different implicit measures that go
beyond the measurement of evaluative associations, and instead quantify
actual implicit wanting (e.g., the W-IAT, Koranyi et al., 2017). Third, we pointed to implicit measures of beliefs (e.g., the PEP, Müller and Rothermund, 2019)
that allow a more nuanced view on individual attitudes and values than
measures that tap into associations. Finally, we emphasized the
importance of measuring behavior proper and outlined that implicit
measures incorporating contextual information might be more adequate in
assessing the structure of implicit attitudes or beliefs and their
implications for behavior (Casper et al., 2011; Kornadt et al., 2016).
Each of the recent developments presented in the current paper has the
potential to increase the predictive power of implicit measures. Future
research will also have to clarify whether a combination of these
approaches may lead to further improvement. Inspired by the fruitful
research on dual-process or dual-systems models, we further suggest to
invest in theoretical considerations: Which forms or aspects of behavior
should be related to which processes involved in which implicit
measures? Differentiation is key, with regard to both the predictor and
the criterion.
We strongly argue not to take the validity of implicit
measures like the IAT for granted. Instead, we should take into account
the complexity of these measures, especially when it comes to the
predictive value for real-life behavior. As outlined in the current
review, the past 20 years of research have provided us with a number of
good reasons for why the IAT and its derivatives did not succeed in
closing the attitude-behavior gap, and enriched our toolbox with
promising, sophisticated improvements. Future research will benefit from
harnessing the power of such a more differentiated view on implicit
measures.
Thursday, November 7, 2019
Mortality salience hypothesis of terror management theory: Reminders of our future death increase the necessity to validate our cultural worldview and to enhance our self-esteem; we did not observe evidence for a mortality salience effect
Rodríguez-Ferreiro, Javier, Itxaso Barberia, Jordi González-Guerra, and Miguel A. Vadillo. 2019. “Are We Truly Special and Unique? A Replication of Goldenberg Et Al. (2001).” PsyArXiv. November 7. doi:10.31234/osf.io/rcjz9
Abstract: According to the mortality salience hypothesis of terror management theory, reminders of our future death increase the necessity to validate our cultural worldview and to enhance our self-esteem. In Experiment 2 of the study “I am not an animal: Mortality salience, disgust, and the denial of human creatureliness”, Goldenberg et al. (2001) observed that participants primed with questions about their death provided more positive evaluations to an essay describing humans as distinct from animals than control participants presented with questions regarding another aversive situation. In a replication of this experiment conducted with 128 volunteers, we did not observe evidence for a mortality salience effect.
Discussion
Overall, the pattern of results reported in the previous section are inconsistent with
the original results of Goldenberg et al. (2001). This does not necessarily mean that the
original effect was a false positive, but it does suggest that (a) the effect may be
substantially smaller than originally reported or (b) that the effect is extremely sensitive to
contextual factors and perhaps absent in some populations. Consistent with the former
interpretation, our own reanalysis of Burke et al. (2010; see also Yen & Cheng, 2013)
provides compelling evidence that the effect sizes of previous research on mortality
salience may have been overestimated.
But, of course, it is possible that our experiment simply failed to recreate the ideal
conditions for the emergence of the mortality salience effect reported by Goldenberg et al.
(2001). Failed replications of prominent social psychology studies have often been
attributed to the contextual sensitivity of the processes involved in these effects (e.g.,
Cesario, 2014; Sundie, Beal, Neuberg, & Kenrick, 2019; Van Bavel, Mende-Siedlecki,
Brady, & Reinero, 2016). For instance, reviewers of an earlier version of this article
suggested that perhaps Spanish participants (1) do not care so much about uniqueness and
free will, (2) do not care about distancing themselves as much from animals as Americans,
(3) do not fear death as much as Americans. Although none of these possibilities can be
discarded conclusively on the basis of the present data, we deem them unlikely. Visual
inspection of Figure 2 shows that the distribution of the ratings provided by our
participants are in almost perfect agreement with the ratings provided by the control group
in the original study by Goldenberg et al. (M = 5.80, SD = 1.36). This provides little
support to the idea that our essays did not resonate with these participants in the same
manner as they did with participants in the original study.
Of course, our study is not without limitations. Neither our empirical study nor our
reanalysis of the data reported by Burke et al. (2010) were pre-registered, failing to meet
the highest standards of confirmatory research. In contrast, we do offer public access to our
complete data set and invite skeptical readers to test alternative hypotheses that we may
have overlooked and that perhaps may provide stronger support for the mortality salience
hypothesis. Similarly, although the sample size recruited for the present study (N = 128)
was substantially larger than the sample size of the original study (N = 20, in the same two
conditions), given the evidence of bias that we detected in the literature, it might have been
wise to power our study for a substantially smaller effect size, perhaps around r = .22, for
consistency with the bias-corrected average effect returned by the selection model.
In any case, we think that given the theoretical relevance of this effect, it is worth
investing more time and resources in establishing its reliability and boundary conditions.
We hope that the present work will provide some initial momentum for further replication
studies on terror management theory and the mortality salience hypothesis.
Abstract: According to the mortality salience hypothesis of terror management theory, reminders of our future death increase the necessity to validate our cultural worldview and to enhance our self-esteem. In Experiment 2 of the study “I am not an animal: Mortality salience, disgust, and the denial of human creatureliness”, Goldenberg et al. (2001) observed that participants primed with questions about their death provided more positive evaluations to an essay describing humans as distinct from animals than control participants presented with questions regarding another aversive situation. In a replication of this experiment conducted with 128 volunteers, we did not observe evidence for a mortality salience effect.
Discussion
Overall, the pattern of results reported in the previous section are inconsistent with
the original results of Goldenberg et al. (2001). This does not necessarily mean that the
original effect was a false positive, but it does suggest that (a) the effect may be
substantially smaller than originally reported or (b) that the effect is extremely sensitive to
contextual factors and perhaps absent in some populations. Consistent with the former
interpretation, our own reanalysis of Burke et al. (2010; see also Yen & Cheng, 2013)
provides compelling evidence that the effect sizes of previous research on mortality
salience may have been overestimated.
But, of course, it is possible that our experiment simply failed to recreate the ideal
conditions for the emergence of the mortality salience effect reported by Goldenberg et al.
(2001). Failed replications of prominent social psychology studies have often been
attributed to the contextual sensitivity of the processes involved in these effects (e.g.,
Cesario, 2014; Sundie, Beal, Neuberg, & Kenrick, 2019; Van Bavel, Mende-Siedlecki,
Brady, & Reinero, 2016). For instance, reviewers of an earlier version of this article
suggested that perhaps Spanish participants (1) do not care so much about uniqueness and
free will, (2) do not care about distancing themselves as much from animals as Americans,
(3) do not fear death as much as Americans. Although none of these possibilities can be
discarded conclusively on the basis of the present data, we deem them unlikely. Visual
inspection of Figure 2 shows that the distribution of the ratings provided by our
participants are in almost perfect agreement with the ratings provided by the control group
in the original study by Goldenberg et al. (M = 5.80, SD = 1.36). This provides little
support to the idea that our essays did not resonate with these participants in the same
manner as they did with participants in the original study.
Of course, our study is not without limitations. Neither our empirical study nor our
reanalysis of the data reported by Burke et al. (2010) were pre-registered, failing to meet
the highest standards of confirmatory research. In contrast, we do offer public access to our
complete data set and invite skeptical readers to test alternative hypotheses that we may
have overlooked and that perhaps may provide stronger support for the mortality salience
hypothesis. Similarly, although the sample size recruited for the present study (N = 128)
was substantially larger than the sample size of the original study (N = 20, in the same two
conditions), given the evidence of bias that we detected in the literature, it might have been
wise to power our study for a substantially smaller effect size, perhaps around r = .22, for
consistency with the bias-corrected average effect returned by the selection model.
In any case, we think that given the theoretical relevance of this effect, it is worth
investing more time and resources in establishing its reliability and boundary conditions.
We hope that the present work will provide some initial momentum for further replication
studies on terror management theory and the mortality salience hypothesis.
Evidence points to a possible association between optimism and the placebo response
The influence of personality traits on the placebo/nocebo response: A systematic review. Alexandra Kern et al. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, November 7 2019, 109866. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpsychores.2019.109866
Highlights
• Results on the influence of personality traits on placebo responses are heterogeneous.
• More studies are available on the influence of personality traits on the placebo response than on the nocebo response.
• Optimism seems to be positively associated with placebo responses.
• Anxiety might lead to increased nocebo responses.
Abstract
Objective: Some people might be more prone to placebo and nocebo responses than others depending on their personality traits. We aimed to provide a systematic review on the influence of personality traits on placebo and nocebo responses in controlled and uncontrolled studies.
Methods: We conducted a systematic literature search in the databases CINAHL, AMED, PsycINFO and EMBASE for relevant publications published between January 1997 and March 2018. For all included papers, we conducted an additional forward search.
Results: After screening 407 references, we identified 24 studies. The Big Five (i.e., neuroticism, extraversion, openness to experience, agreeableness and conscientiousness) and optimism were the most frequently investigated personality traits. Several studies found a positive association between optimism and the placebo response. Furthermore, we found that higher anxiety was associated with increased nocebo responses.
Conclusion: Evidence points to a possible association between optimism and the placebo response. Therefore, further emphasising the investigation of the influence of optimism on the placebo/nocebo response seems warranted. For clinical practice, the impact of anxiety on the nocebo response might be important to identify patients who might be more prone to experiencing side effects of medical treatments.
Keywords: Nocebo responsePersonalityPlacebo responseSystematic review
Highlights
• Results on the influence of personality traits on placebo responses are heterogeneous.
• More studies are available on the influence of personality traits on the placebo response than on the nocebo response.
• Optimism seems to be positively associated with placebo responses.
• Anxiety might lead to increased nocebo responses.
Abstract
Objective: Some people might be more prone to placebo and nocebo responses than others depending on their personality traits. We aimed to provide a systematic review on the influence of personality traits on placebo and nocebo responses in controlled and uncontrolled studies.
Methods: We conducted a systematic literature search in the databases CINAHL, AMED, PsycINFO and EMBASE for relevant publications published between January 1997 and March 2018. For all included papers, we conducted an additional forward search.
Results: After screening 407 references, we identified 24 studies. The Big Five (i.e., neuroticism, extraversion, openness to experience, agreeableness and conscientiousness) and optimism were the most frequently investigated personality traits. Several studies found a positive association between optimism and the placebo response. Furthermore, we found that higher anxiety was associated with increased nocebo responses.
Conclusion: Evidence points to a possible association between optimism and the placebo response. Therefore, further emphasising the investigation of the influence of optimism on the placebo/nocebo response seems warranted. For clinical practice, the impact of anxiety on the nocebo response might be important to identify patients who might be more prone to experiencing side effects of medical treatments.
Keywords: Nocebo responsePersonalityPlacebo responseSystematic review
State & private schoolers have no differences in wellbeing across adolescence; private schoolers have fewer behavior problems, more peer victimization, less risk aversion & drink sooner
von Stumm, Sophie, and Robert Plomin. 2019. “Does Private Education Make Nicer People? the Influence of School Type on Socioemotional Development.” PsyArXiv. November 7. doi:10.31234/osf.io/73gzd
Abstract
In a longitudinal sample from Britain, we tested if attending private, fee-charging schools rather than non-selective state schools benefitted children’s socioemotional development.
State (N = 2,413) and private school children (N = 269) showed no differences in wellbeing across adolescence, but private school children reported fewer behavior problems and greater peer victimization over time than state schoolers. These results were independent of schools’ selection criteria, including family background, and prior academic and cognitive performance.
At age 21, private and state school students differed marginally in socioemotional competencies, such as self-control, volunteering, sexual behaviors, and substance use. After considering schools’ selection criteria, only risk taking and age at the first alcoholic drink differed between private and state school children, with the privately educated being less risk averse and drinking at younger ages than those attending state school.
Our results suggest that private education adds little positive value to children’s socioemotional development.
Abstract
In a longitudinal sample from Britain, we tested if attending private, fee-charging schools rather than non-selective state schools benefitted children’s socioemotional development.
State (N = 2,413) and private school children (N = 269) showed no differences in wellbeing across adolescence, but private school children reported fewer behavior problems and greater peer victimization over time than state schoolers. These results were independent of schools’ selection criteria, including family background, and prior academic and cognitive performance.
At age 21, private and state school students differed marginally in socioemotional competencies, such as self-control, volunteering, sexual behaviors, and substance use. After considering schools’ selection criteria, only risk taking and age at the first alcoholic drink differed between private and state school children, with the privately educated being less risk averse and drinking at younger ages than those attending state school.
Our results suggest that private education adds little positive value to children’s socioemotional development.
PhD thesis: A comparative study of the lived experiences of female sex workers in Scotland and New Zealand
Ryan, Anastacia Elle (2019) The sanctions of justice: a comparative study of the lived experiences of female sex workers in Scotland and New Zealand. PhD thesis. https://theses.gla.ac.uk/41136
Abstract
Female sex workers have become marked as women in transgression, viewed as bad or fallen, depending on thediscourse applied to the wider institution of prostitution. Bad women, if motivated to sell sexual services by self-interest, and fallen women, if prey to malicious male violence and abuse. Be they agents or victims, the construction of female sex workersin the public imagination is enmeshed with historical, political and social anxiety related to women’s transgression from appropriate norms of femininity, sexuality and good citizenship. Female sex workers are distinguished from “virtuous women” by the associated stigma of being a “whore”. Furthermore, political functions of the whore stigma serve to render female sex workers as “othered” and thus, they face oppression globally, yet disavow governance responsibilities for the injustices they face. In the advanced capitalist society, a whole range of liberties can be seen to be rendered as incompatible with female legitimacy.
This thesis examines how the historical, social and political meanings attached to prostitution/sex work affect the practices of governance in this area, inquiring into their implications for sex work policy, and their effects on sex working women’s lives in the comparative legal settings of Scotland and New Zealand. The overarching research aim driving this thesis is: to compare ways in which sex work laws, policies and frameworks in Scotland and New Zealand enable or constrain sex workers’ access to justice. This thesis adopts a participatory feminist methodological approach that centers women’s voices and experiences in addressing theresearch aims, in the endeavor to engage with social justice as both a task and a process.
Tasked with the desire to facilitate subjective accounts of women’s experiences, an overall qualitative approach to collating and analysing data was taken, with in-depth narrative style interviews and ethnographic-informed fieldwork observations being utilised to seek women’s own understandings of their lived experiences. To gain additional context to these experiences, semi-structured interviews were also conducted with key informants, identified as being people whose everyday work involved a translation of policy to practice and an operalisation in some sense of the laws and policies on sex work in each context. Fieldwork took place over a twelve-month period between the comparative contexts of New Zealand (mainly Wellington and Auckland) and Scotland (mainly Edinburgh and Glasgow). No fixed geographical boundaries were put in place in the research in acknowledgement of the transient and often mobile nature of women’s work in the sex industry. Sampling strategies were tailored to each research context, with the intention to reach women who were involved or in contact with local services and collectives and also women who were not in contact with such possible gatekeeping organisations. Thus, a sampling through gatekeepers alongside a snowball sampling technique arose in both contexts, with the later proving more effective in Scotland where a quasi-criminalised legal framework was found to make female sex workers work in more hidden and clandestine ways.
Over the five months spent in New Zealand, thirteen interviews with sex workers were conducted (with four repeated during follow up interviews), two interviews with managers and three interviews with those involved in the provision of service to sex workers. Additionally, over 150 hours of observation was collected in field notes, which ranged from time spent in the base of the New Zealand Prostitutes Collective (NZPC), time spent accompanying NZPC workers to outreach, collecting litter, such as used prevention commodities and their packaging, from the street, meeting with other agencies and organisations, and spending time in a sex working premise with sex workers and management. In Scotland, twelve sex workers were interviewed, of which three were interviewed for a second time. Six sex workers were approached through the national Charity, SCOT-PEP, and three were approached through the social media advertisement of other sex workers who were involved in the formation of Umbrella Lane. Three sex working women were recruited through charity outreach to a sex working premise, and around 150 hours of ethnographic-informed observational field notes were recorded from online forums, during face-to-face sex worker meetings, in organizing spaces, and in a sex workpremise.
The material effects of the comparative laws and policies on sex work on women’s lived experiences in Scotland and New Zealand were explored through thematic analysis of the data collated. Emergent themes of agency, risk, engagement, stigma and violence allowed for these experiences to form the basis of a critical analysis of structural forces at play. This impacted on women’s entry into sex work, occupational health and safety, sex workers engagement with health and other support services, experiences of stigma, and recourse to justice in cases of violence. Whilst the legal frameworks were not the only structural factor at play, decriminalization was experienced to enhance women’s agency and autonomy in their choosing of how to do sex work, with a prioritisation of their safety being supported by occupational health and safety (OHS) frameworks in place. These OHS frameworks also enabled the New Zealand based participants to minimize perceived risks to their safety, and further provisions in the Prostitution Reform Act allowed sex workers to access justice in cases where their rights were violated concretely through exploitation, abuse or violence, and more subtely in their development of resilience and resistanceto stigma. Furthermore, women in New Zealand felt empowered to access essential support services extending beyond basic harm reduction services. In Scotland, under a somewhat paradoxical setting whereby the legal framework criminalises the way sex workerswork, alongside a policy context that pivots on an understanding of prostitution as commercial sexual exploitation, women experienced less agency than their New Zealand counterparts in choosing how and where to work, increasing their risk to exploitative working conditions and violence, as their priotisation of avoiding state attention and criminalisation was experienced to override their safety concerns and yet felt comparatively more stigmatised and marginalised from services, including health, social and justice based service provision.
By reading empirical research with comparative policy, law and theory, this thesis contributes to the development of an ‘agenda for change’ for sex workers (McGarry and Fitzgerald, 2018). Such an agenda promotes a paradigm shift in rethinking the relationship between knowledge, discourse, and legal and policy governance, to explore women’s lived experiences in relation to social justice. By making visible the injustices enacted and perpetuated towards women, in this study, and assessing the role of the legal and policy frameworks in supporting, subverting or interrupting injustice and oppression of female sex workers, a politics of justice is envisaged in conclusions that make pertinent three points.Firstly, the urgent need for engagement with the New Zealand Model of decriminalisation of sex work as a task of promoting a politics of recognition to enable female sex workers the institutional rights necessary to minimise their occupational health and safety risks and enhance their access to formal justice in cases of exploitation, abuse and violence. Secondly, the required task for the development of a politics of redistribution in both comparative contexts that renders visible the structural injustices faced by femalesex workers by prioritising the facilitation of sex working women’s’ voices and experiences, in such justice claims, to avoid misrepresentation and misframing of these economic injustice concerns, which appear to dominate current redistribution justice understandings in the Scottish context. And finally, a renewed commitment of status equality to sex working women in policy frameworks that allows for social justice concerns. The exploration of women’s economic, political and social vulnerability to influence discourse, and subsequent policy objectives that are not causing further harm, marginalisation and exclusion of sex workers from vital support services and legal recourse to justice as further evidenced in the Scottish context.
Abstract
Female sex workers have become marked as women in transgression, viewed as bad or fallen, depending on thediscourse applied to the wider institution of prostitution. Bad women, if motivated to sell sexual services by self-interest, and fallen women, if prey to malicious male violence and abuse. Be they agents or victims, the construction of female sex workersin the public imagination is enmeshed with historical, political and social anxiety related to women’s transgression from appropriate norms of femininity, sexuality and good citizenship. Female sex workers are distinguished from “virtuous women” by the associated stigma of being a “whore”. Furthermore, political functions of the whore stigma serve to render female sex workers as “othered” and thus, they face oppression globally, yet disavow governance responsibilities for the injustices they face. In the advanced capitalist society, a whole range of liberties can be seen to be rendered as incompatible with female legitimacy.
This thesis examines how the historical, social and political meanings attached to prostitution/sex work affect the practices of governance in this area, inquiring into their implications for sex work policy, and their effects on sex working women’s lives in the comparative legal settings of Scotland and New Zealand. The overarching research aim driving this thesis is: to compare ways in which sex work laws, policies and frameworks in Scotland and New Zealand enable or constrain sex workers’ access to justice. This thesis adopts a participatory feminist methodological approach that centers women’s voices and experiences in addressing theresearch aims, in the endeavor to engage with social justice as both a task and a process.
Tasked with the desire to facilitate subjective accounts of women’s experiences, an overall qualitative approach to collating and analysing data was taken, with in-depth narrative style interviews and ethnographic-informed fieldwork observations being utilised to seek women’s own understandings of their lived experiences. To gain additional context to these experiences, semi-structured interviews were also conducted with key informants, identified as being people whose everyday work involved a translation of policy to practice and an operalisation in some sense of the laws and policies on sex work in each context. Fieldwork took place over a twelve-month period between the comparative contexts of New Zealand (mainly Wellington and Auckland) and Scotland (mainly Edinburgh and Glasgow). No fixed geographical boundaries were put in place in the research in acknowledgement of the transient and often mobile nature of women’s work in the sex industry. Sampling strategies were tailored to each research context, with the intention to reach women who were involved or in contact with local services and collectives and also women who were not in contact with such possible gatekeeping organisations. Thus, a sampling through gatekeepers alongside a snowball sampling technique arose in both contexts, with the later proving more effective in Scotland where a quasi-criminalised legal framework was found to make female sex workers work in more hidden and clandestine ways.
Over the five months spent in New Zealand, thirteen interviews with sex workers were conducted (with four repeated during follow up interviews), two interviews with managers and three interviews with those involved in the provision of service to sex workers. Additionally, over 150 hours of observation was collected in field notes, which ranged from time spent in the base of the New Zealand Prostitutes Collective (NZPC), time spent accompanying NZPC workers to outreach, collecting litter, such as used prevention commodities and their packaging, from the street, meeting with other agencies and organisations, and spending time in a sex working premise with sex workers and management. In Scotland, twelve sex workers were interviewed, of which three were interviewed for a second time. Six sex workers were approached through the national Charity, SCOT-PEP, and three were approached through the social media advertisement of other sex workers who were involved in the formation of Umbrella Lane. Three sex working women were recruited through charity outreach to a sex working premise, and around 150 hours of ethnographic-informed observational field notes were recorded from online forums, during face-to-face sex worker meetings, in organizing spaces, and in a sex workpremise.
The material effects of the comparative laws and policies on sex work on women’s lived experiences in Scotland and New Zealand were explored through thematic analysis of the data collated. Emergent themes of agency, risk, engagement, stigma and violence allowed for these experiences to form the basis of a critical analysis of structural forces at play. This impacted on women’s entry into sex work, occupational health and safety, sex workers engagement with health and other support services, experiences of stigma, and recourse to justice in cases of violence. Whilst the legal frameworks were not the only structural factor at play, decriminalization was experienced to enhance women’s agency and autonomy in their choosing of how to do sex work, with a prioritisation of their safety being supported by occupational health and safety (OHS) frameworks in place. These OHS frameworks also enabled the New Zealand based participants to minimize perceived risks to their safety, and further provisions in the Prostitution Reform Act allowed sex workers to access justice in cases where their rights were violated concretely through exploitation, abuse or violence, and more subtely in their development of resilience and resistanceto stigma. Furthermore, women in New Zealand felt empowered to access essential support services extending beyond basic harm reduction services. In Scotland, under a somewhat paradoxical setting whereby the legal framework criminalises the way sex workerswork, alongside a policy context that pivots on an understanding of prostitution as commercial sexual exploitation, women experienced less agency than their New Zealand counterparts in choosing how and where to work, increasing their risk to exploitative working conditions and violence, as their priotisation of avoiding state attention and criminalisation was experienced to override their safety concerns and yet felt comparatively more stigmatised and marginalised from services, including health, social and justice based service provision.
By reading empirical research with comparative policy, law and theory, this thesis contributes to the development of an ‘agenda for change’ for sex workers (McGarry and Fitzgerald, 2018). Such an agenda promotes a paradigm shift in rethinking the relationship between knowledge, discourse, and legal and policy governance, to explore women’s lived experiences in relation to social justice. By making visible the injustices enacted and perpetuated towards women, in this study, and assessing the role of the legal and policy frameworks in supporting, subverting or interrupting injustice and oppression of female sex workers, a politics of justice is envisaged in conclusions that make pertinent three points.Firstly, the urgent need for engagement with the New Zealand Model of decriminalisation of sex work as a task of promoting a politics of recognition to enable female sex workers the institutional rights necessary to minimise their occupational health and safety risks and enhance their access to formal justice in cases of exploitation, abuse and violence. Secondly, the required task for the development of a politics of redistribution in both comparative contexts that renders visible the structural injustices faced by femalesex workers by prioritising the facilitation of sex working women’s’ voices and experiences, in such justice claims, to avoid misrepresentation and misframing of these economic injustice concerns, which appear to dominate current redistribution justice understandings in the Scottish context. And finally, a renewed commitment of status equality to sex working women in policy frameworks that allows for social justice concerns. The exploration of women’s economic, political and social vulnerability to influence discourse, and subsequent policy objectives that are not causing further harm, marginalisation and exclusion of sex workers from vital support services and legal recourse to justice as further evidenced in the Scottish context.
Processing speed for deservingness-relevant info is greater than deservingness-irrelevant info; the construct of deservingness is central in human social relations, as if we evolved to have embedded gauges that measure justice
Evidence of a Processing Advantage for Deservingness-Relevant Information. Carolyn L. Hafer et al. Social Psychology, October 7, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000396
Abstract. We investigated processing speed for deservingness-relevant versus deservingness-irrelevant information. Female students read stories involving deserved, undeserved, or neutral outcomes. We recorded participants’ reaction time (RT) in processing the outcomes. We also measured individual differences in “belief in a just world” as a proxy for deservingness schematicity. RTs for deserved and undeserved outcomes were faster than for neutral outcomes, B = −8.45, p = .011, an effect that increased the stronger the belief in a just world (e.g., B = −3.18, p = .006). These findings provide novel evidence that the construct of deservingness is central in human social relations, and suggest both universal and particularistic schemas for deservingness.
Keywords: deservingness, processing speed, reaction time, schema, belief in a just world
RT = reaction time
BJW= belief in a just world
Hypothesis 1 (H1): Deservingness-relevant information will be processed faster than deservingness-irrelevant information.
Hypothesis 2 (H2): As BJW increases, the greater the processing advantage for deservingness-relevant information.
Discussion
We examined processing speed for deservingness-relevant information. Supporting H1, participants processed deservingness-relevant information faster than deservingness-irrelevant information. This novel finding converges with previous research (e.g., Feather, 1999; Lerner, 1977; Price & Brosnan, 2012) to suggest that people have a concern with deservingness that is deeply ingrained. Supporting H2, the stronger participants’ BJW, the greater the processing advantage for deservingness-relevant information. Thus, deservingness appears to be more central for some individuals.
Affective priming (Fazio, Sanbonmatsu, Powell,& Kardes, 1986) cannot account for our findings. The deserved and neutral outcomes followed a stimulus (i.e., the protagonist’s behavior) of the same valence, whereas the undeserved outcomes involved stimuli (behavior and outcome) with mismatching valences. Yet, RTs to deserved versus undeserved outcomes did not differ (contrary to affective priming predictions). Furthermore, if affective priming were the mechanism, RTs for deserved/undeserved outcomes would not be faster than for neutral outcomes. Our findings have several implications. First, if people rapidly process deservingness-relevant information, they can quickly make judgments and act based on that information. Rapid responses to quickly processed deservingnessrelevant information are not always beneficial. For example, peoplemight automatically dismiss a potential human rights abuse based on quick processing of information implying the individual deserves severe treatment (see Drolet et al., 2016), while failing to consider more appropriate information that takes longer to process.
Second, support for H1 suggests that there is a universal schema, as well as a particularistic schema that is characteristic of people with a strong BJW (see Markus, Hamill, & Sentis, 1987). A universal deservingness schema is consistent with the justice motive theory and evolutionary perspectives noted earlier.
We presume our findings would generalize beyond female university students, given evidence that deservingness is central to people in general (see Hafer, 2011). However, researchers should test our hypotheses with other groups of people.
Unfortunately, our memory items were not designed to test schema-driven recall. Researchers should test whether a strong BJW acts as a schema by biasing memory (see Callan, Kay, Davidenko, & Ellard, 2009), as well as the mechanism underlying deservingness schematicity (e.g., construct accessibility or importance, richness of cognitive structures, etc.; see Ruble & Stangor, 1986). Furthermore, aside from people with a strong BJW, researchers should test whether people with a strong belief that people get what is undeserved are also particularly schematic for deservingness.
In conclusion, we found evidence that people, especially those with a strong BJW, show a processing advantage for deservingness-relevant versus deservingness–irrelevant information. These findings add novel support to the idea that the construct of deservingness is central in human social relations.
Electronic Supplementary Material: https://doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000396
ESM 1. Details on Mixed Models Analyses
Our main finding is that height does have a strong positive effect on life satisfaction
Height and life satisfaction: Evidence from 27 nations. Nazim Habibov, Rong Luo, Alena Auchynnikava, Lida Fan. American Journal of Human Biology, November 6 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.23351
Abstract
Objectives: To evaluate the effect of height on life satisfaction.
Methods: We use data from a recent multi‐country survey that was conducted in 27 nations.
Results: Our main finding is that height does have a strong positive effect on life satisfaction. These findings remain positive and significant when we use a comprehensive set of well‐known covariates of life‐satisfaction at both the individual and country levels. These findings also remain robust to alternative statistical specifications.
Conclusions: From a theoretical standpoint, our findings suggest that height is important in explaining life‐satisfaction independent of other well‐known determinants. From a methodological standpoint, the findings of this study highlight the need to explicitly control for the effect of heights in studies on subjective well‐being, happiness, and life‐satisfaction.
---
5 | CONCLUSION
Recent developments in the literature have highlighted the important role that height plays in explaining life satisfac-tion. However, despite the strong theoretical underpinnings of a positive height effect on life satisfaction, surprisingly few studies have attempted to confirm the positive influence of height on life satisfaction, especially outside of developed countries. In the light of this evidence, the present study evaluates the effect of height on life satisfaction in 27 post-communist nations.
Our main finding is that height indeed does have a positive effect on life satisfaction. This finding remains significant when we use a comprehensive set of well-known covariates of life-satisfaction at both the individual and country levels. These findings also remain robust to alternative statistical specifications. We also found that greater height is associated with higher levels of satisfaction with one's financial situation, although the effect of height on job satisfaction is not significant. However, we found that the magnitude of the height effect is lower when compared with well-known covariates of life-satisfaction at the individual level such as health, age, income, education, and marital status. Likewise, the magnitude of the height effect is lower than well-known covariates of life-satisfaction at the country level as well as GDP growth, poverty level, economic freedom, social transfers to population, and democracy level.
The empirical findings discussed above have theoretical and methodological implications. From the theoretical stand-point, our findings suggest that lack of investments into high quality nutrition, hygiene, health, education, and positive environmental conditions prevent some children from attaining their full potential height. Not reaching full height will then be translated into poorer health, emotional, reproductive, educational, and labor market outcomes. In turn, these factors are responsible for the lower levels of life evaluation provided by shorter people. From the methodological stand-point, the findings of this study highlight the need to explicitly control for the effect of heights in studies on subjective well-being, happiness, and life-satisfaction. However, a number of limitations should be mentioned. Small country samples prevent us from conducting country-by-country analysis to uncover variations in the height effect across countries. In addition, even though we used a comprehensive set of control variables, we were not able to control for abilities due to limitations in our data set. Hence, we were not able to fully overcome the omitted variable problem inasmuch as cognitive and non-cognitive abilities could be correlated with both height and life-satisfaction. Future studies should focus on country differences in the height to life satisfaction effect by controlling for abilities. In addition, comparing the height to life satisfaction effect across developed, post-communist, and developing countries could provide another promising line of enquiry.
Abstract
Objectives: To evaluate the effect of height on life satisfaction.
Methods: We use data from a recent multi‐country survey that was conducted in 27 nations.
Results: Our main finding is that height does have a strong positive effect on life satisfaction. These findings remain positive and significant when we use a comprehensive set of well‐known covariates of life‐satisfaction at both the individual and country levels. These findings also remain robust to alternative statistical specifications.
Conclusions: From a theoretical standpoint, our findings suggest that height is important in explaining life‐satisfaction independent of other well‐known determinants. From a methodological standpoint, the findings of this study highlight the need to explicitly control for the effect of heights in studies on subjective well‐being, happiness, and life‐satisfaction.
---
5 | CONCLUSION
Recent developments in the literature have highlighted the important role that height plays in explaining life satisfac-tion. However, despite the strong theoretical underpinnings of a positive height effect on life satisfaction, surprisingly few studies have attempted to confirm the positive influence of height on life satisfaction, especially outside of developed countries. In the light of this evidence, the present study evaluates the effect of height on life satisfaction in 27 post-communist nations.
Our main finding is that height indeed does have a positive effect on life satisfaction. This finding remains significant when we use a comprehensive set of well-known covariates of life-satisfaction at both the individual and country levels. These findings also remain robust to alternative statistical specifications. We also found that greater height is associated with higher levels of satisfaction with one's financial situation, although the effect of height on job satisfaction is not significant. However, we found that the magnitude of the height effect is lower when compared with well-known covariates of life-satisfaction at the individual level such as health, age, income, education, and marital status. Likewise, the magnitude of the height effect is lower than well-known covariates of life-satisfaction at the country level as well as GDP growth, poverty level, economic freedom, social transfers to population, and democracy level.
The empirical findings discussed above have theoretical and methodological implications. From the theoretical stand-point, our findings suggest that lack of investments into high quality nutrition, hygiene, health, education, and positive environmental conditions prevent some children from attaining their full potential height. Not reaching full height will then be translated into poorer health, emotional, reproductive, educational, and labor market outcomes. In turn, these factors are responsible for the lower levels of life evaluation provided by shorter people. From the methodological stand-point, the findings of this study highlight the need to explicitly control for the effect of heights in studies on subjective well-being, happiness, and life-satisfaction. However, a number of limitations should be mentioned. Small country samples prevent us from conducting country-by-country analysis to uncover variations in the height effect across countries. In addition, even though we used a comprehensive set of control variables, we were not able to control for abilities due to limitations in our data set. Hence, we were not able to fully overcome the omitted variable problem inasmuch as cognitive and non-cognitive abilities could be correlated with both height and life-satisfaction. Future studies should focus on country differences in the height to life satisfaction effect by controlling for abilities. In addition, comparing the height to life satisfaction effect across developed, post-communist, and developing countries could provide another promising line of enquiry.
Associations of "positive" temperament and personality traits with frequency of physical activity in adulthood: The nicer they were, the more they exercised
Associations of temperament and personality traits with frequency of physical activity in adulthood. Jenni Karvonen et al. Journal of Research in Personality, November 7 2019, 103887. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2019.103887
Highlights
• Both temperament and personality traits are associated with adult physical activity.
• Different traits are related to physical activity engagement among women and men.
• Temperament and personality traits relate to rambling in nature and watching sports.
• Combinations of temperament and personality characteristics need further research.
Abstract: Temperament and physical activity (PA) have been examined in children and adolescents, but little is known about these associations in adulthood. Personality traits, however, are known to contribute to PA in adults. This study, which examined both temperament and personality characteristics at age 42 in relation to frequency of PA at age 50 (JYLS, n = 214-261), also found associations with temperament traits. Positive associations were found between Orienting sensitivity and overall PA and between Extraversion and vigorous PA among women and between low Negative affectivity and overall and vigorous PA among men. Furthermore, Orienting sensitivity and Agreeableness were associated with vigorous PA among men. Temperament and personality characteristics also showed gender-specific associations with rambling in nature and watching sports.
3.4 Discussion
The present study investigated the associations of temperament and personality characteristics,
assessed at age 42, with frequency of engagement in physical activity, assessed at age 50,
among Finnish women and men. Our main findings for the temperament traits were as follows:
(1) Orienting sensitivity showed a positive association with overall physical activity
engagement among women, and with vigorous physical activity engagement and an increased
likelihood of frequent rambling in nature among men. As expected, (2) Negative affectivity
was found to be negatively associated with both overall as well as vigorous physical activity
engagement, but only among men, meaning that men who scored lower in Negative affectivity
were more likely to engage in both overall and vigorous physical activity. In support of this,
men who scored high in Negative affectivity were more likely to watch sports frequently,
which, in this study, was seen to reflect physical inactivity. However, alternative
interpretations, such as the view that watching sports reflects an interest in other people’s
physical activity, are possible, and thus our results suggest that Negative affectivity is
associated with higher physical inactivity but also with interest in sports. Lastly, (3) Surgency
was negatively associated with rambling in nature among women.
Due to the novelty of the present observations for adult temperament, we can only speculate as
to their reasons. It is possible that awareness of extraneous low intensity stimulation, which
characterizes individuals who score high in Orienting sensitivity (Evans & Rothbart, 2007),
leads these individuals to experience physical activity-related physical responses as particularly
pleasant or satisfying, which in turn encourages them to exercise more frequently. Similarly,
the positive association observed here between Orienting sensitivity and rambling in nature
among men may stem from their conscious awareness of their surroundings and its visual
features. Evans and Rothbart (2007) characterize individuals with high levels of Surgency as
needing high levels of strength, complexity or novelty of arousal. This may help to explain
why, among the present women, those with high Surgency scores showed reduced willingness
to ramble in nature, as this type of physical activity does not provide them with adequate
stimuli. Our observation of the negative association between Negative affectivity and overall
and vigorous engagement in physical activity is in line with our study hypothesis. However, as
sports can be watched either individually or in the company of a larger group of people, we are
unable to provide confirmation for our hypothesis that Negative affectivity is positively
associated with, in particular, individually performed exercise types. Some explanation for the
negative association between Negative affectivity and physical activity engagement may be
gained from the general characterization of individuals who score high in Negative affectivity:
these individuals are prone to negative emotional states, such as anxiousness and selfconsciousness
(Watson & Clark, 1984), which, understandably, may decrease, restrict or
altogether erode their willingness to participate in situations involving physical activity, as
could have been the case among the present sample of men. As our results on adult
temperament and physical activity are first of their kind, additional research to confirm them
is clearly needed.
Our results on regards personality traits support earlier findings (Allen & Vella, 2015;
Courneya & Hellsten, 1998; Hagan & Hausenblas, 2005) in that high scores in Extraversion
were positively associated with engagement in vigorous physical activity, and that individuals
with higher levels of Openness were more likely to engage in outdoor exercise. Our results did
not provide confirmation for the previously found positive association between Agreeableness
and recreational exercise (Courneya & Hellsten, 1998). Interestingly, we also found
Extraversion to have a positive association with watching sports. Individuals scoring high in
Extraversion have been characterized by gregariousness and a need for intense sensory stimuli
(Costa & McCrae, 1992b; McCrae & John, 1992), needs which, as argued by Wilson and
Dishman (2015), may be met by physical activity. This is not to say that the same needs could
not also be satisfied by more sedentary activities, like watching a football game with friends.
It is probable, therefore, that the present observation between Extraversion and watching sports
relates to the social rather than the sedentary aspect of watching sports. It may also be that
different lower-order facets within the Extraversion trait relate differently to different types of
exercise. According to Artese, Ehley, Sutin and Terracciano (2017), the Activity facet
especially is associated with more frequent engagement in physical activity and less sedentary
time when measured via an accelerometer. The same phenomenon has been noted by Vo and
Bogg (2015) for self-reported physical activity. However, more extensive research on the
lower-order facets of personality traits in relation to physical activity is called for.
Our finding on the positive association between Agreeableness and vigorous physical activity,
despite its being surprising and in contradiction to previous findings (Aşçı et al., 2015; Sutin
et al., 2016; Wilson & Dishman, 2015), is supported by Artese et al. (2017), who reported
Agreeableness to be positively associated with moderate-vigorous physical activity and step
counts. Our results suggest that Agreeableness might be a significant factor in physical activity,
particularly among men. In the same JYLS data, Hietalahti, Rantanen and Kokko (2016) found
Agreeableness to be positively correlated with leisure and physical fitness goals among men.
Our results may, therefore, also be coincidental and reflective only of the present study
population. However, considering that most of the previous studies on personality traits and
physical activity have not taken gender differences into account, our results are hypothesisgenerating
and merit replication in a larger sample.
Our analyses on trait combinations shed light on both the relationship between adult
temperament and personality traits and their simultaneous association with physical activity.
Our results suggest that the women in the present study sample may be seeking something other
than high intensity or strong stimulus from their physical activity. The present results also
imply that these women may be looking for novel experiences when engaging in physical
activity and that men with high levels of negative emotionality are at especial risk for being
physically inactive. On the other hand, our results indicate that self-regulative processes are
related to the ability of men to follow up on high intensity training and perhaps to inhibit the
urge to cease exercise despite the unpleasant sensations possibly induced by intense physical
stimulation. Although generally described by attributes such as altruism, ingenuousness and
kindness (McCrae & John, 1992b), our observation on the association of the trait combination
of Effortful control and Agreeableness with vigorous physical activity engagement may in fact
support the findings of Jensen-Campbell et al. (2002), who suggested that Agreeableness has a
developmental basis in inhibition and self-control rather than social conformity. As our
analyses on individual traits and trait combinations also produced slightly different results,
more emphasis on examining the inter-relationships between temperament and personality
characteristics is needed. Similarly, while the trait combinations presented here gained
theoretical support from existing correlational evidence between temperament and personality
characteristics (Evans & Rothbart, 2007; Pulkkinen et al., 2012; Wiltink et al., 2006), the novel
analytic approach used merits further research.
The present findings add to the extensive line of personality research already conducted on the
JYLS study population, unique in its representativeness and length of follow-up. Previous
studies on the same data have linked personality traits to various meaningful aspects of adult
life, including parenting (Metsäpelto & Pulkkinen, 2003; Rantanen, Tillemann, Metsäpelto,
Kokko, & Pulkkinen, 2015), working life (Viinikainen, Kokko, Pulkkinen, & Pehkonen, 2010;
Viinikainen & Kokko, 2012) and well-being (e.g. Kokko et al., 2013; Mäkikangas et al., 2015).
Our findings extend this knowledge by indicating yet another domain of these individuals’
daily lives, habitual physical activity, to which individual differences in both temperament and
personality traits contribute. Following Kinnunen et al. (2012), our findings also point to the
utility of assessing larger groups of (temperament and) personality characteristics instead of
focusing on individual traits alone.
Highlights
• Both temperament and personality traits are associated with adult physical activity.
• Different traits are related to physical activity engagement among women and men.
• Temperament and personality traits relate to rambling in nature and watching sports.
• Combinations of temperament and personality characteristics need further research.
Abstract: Temperament and physical activity (PA) have been examined in children and adolescents, but little is known about these associations in adulthood. Personality traits, however, are known to contribute to PA in adults. This study, which examined both temperament and personality characteristics at age 42 in relation to frequency of PA at age 50 (JYLS, n = 214-261), also found associations with temperament traits. Positive associations were found between Orienting sensitivity and overall PA and between Extraversion and vigorous PA among women and between low Negative affectivity and overall and vigorous PA among men. Furthermore, Orienting sensitivity and Agreeableness were associated with vigorous PA among men. Temperament and personality characteristics also showed gender-specific associations with rambling in nature and watching sports.
3.4 Discussion
The present study investigated the associations of temperament and personality characteristics,
assessed at age 42, with frequency of engagement in physical activity, assessed at age 50,
among Finnish women and men. Our main findings for the temperament traits were as follows:
(1) Orienting sensitivity showed a positive association with overall physical activity
engagement among women, and with vigorous physical activity engagement and an increased
likelihood of frequent rambling in nature among men. As expected, (2) Negative affectivity
was found to be negatively associated with both overall as well as vigorous physical activity
engagement, but only among men, meaning that men who scored lower in Negative affectivity
were more likely to engage in both overall and vigorous physical activity. In support of this,
men who scored high in Negative affectivity were more likely to watch sports frequently,
which, in this study, was seen to reflect physical inactivity. However, alternative
interpretations, such as the view that watching sports reflects an interest in other people’s
physical activity, are possible, and thus our results suggest that Negative affectivity is
associated with higher physical inactivity but also with interest in sports. Lastly, (3) Surgency
was negatively associated with rambling in nature among women.
Due to the novelty of the present observations for adult temperament, we can only speculate as
to their reasons. It is possible that awareness of extraneous low intensity stimulation, which
characterizes individuals who score high in Orienting sensitivity (Evans & Rothbart, 2007),
leads these individuals to experience physical activity-related physical responses as particularly
pleasant or satisfying, which in turn encourages them to exercise more frequently. Similarly,
the positive association observed here between Orienting sensitivity and rambling in nature
among men may stem from their conscious awareness of their surroundings and its visual
features. Evans and Rothbart (2007) characterize individuals with high levels of Surgency as
needing high levels of strength, complexity or novelty of arousal. This may help to explain
why, among the present women, those with high Surgency scores showed reduced willingness
to ramble in nature, as this type of physical activity does not provide them with adequate
stimuli. Our observation of the negative association between Negative affectivity and overall
and vigorous engagement in physical activity is in line with our study hypothesis. However, as
sports can be watched either individually or in the company of a larger group of people, we are
unable to provide confirmation for our hypothesis that Negative affectivity is positively
associated with, in particular, individually performed exercise types. Some explanation for the
negative association between Negative affectivity and physical activity engagement may be
gained from the general characterization of individuals who score high in Negative affectivity:
these individuals are prone to negative emotional states, such as anxiousness and selfconsciousness
(Watson & Clark, 1984), which, understandably, may decrease, restrict or
altogether erode their willingness to participate in situations involving physical activity, as
could have been the case among the present sample of men. As our results on adult
temperament and physical activity are first of their kind, additional research to confirm them
is clearly needed.
Our results on regards personality traits support earlier findings (Allen & Vella, 2015;
Courneya & Hellsten, 1998; Hagan & Hausenblas, 2005) in that high scores in Extraversion
were positively associated with engagement in vigorous physical activity, and that individuals
with higher levels of Openness were more likely to engage in outdoor exercise. Our results did
not provide confirmation for the previously found positive association between Agreeableness
and recreational exercise (Courneya & Hellsten, 1998). Interestingly, we also found
Extraversion to have a positive association with watching sports. Individuals scoring high in
Extraversion have been characterized by gregariousness and a need for intense sensory stimuli
(Costa & McCrae, 1992b; McCrae & John, 1992), needs which, as argued by Wilson and
Dishman (2015), may be met by physical activity. This is not to say that the same needs could
not also be satisfied by more sedentary activities, like watching a football game with friends.
It is probable, therefore, that the present observation between Extraversion and watching sports
relates to the social rather than the sedentary aspect of watching sports. It may also be that
different lower-order facets within the Extraversion trait relate differently to different types of
exercise. According to Artese, Ehley, Sutin and Terracciano (2017), the Activity facet
especially is associated with more frequent engagement in physical activity and less sedentary
time when measured via an accelerometer. The same phenomenon has been noted by Vo and
Bogg (2015) for self-reported physical activity. However, more extensive research on the
lower-order facets of personality traits in relation to physical activity is called for.
Our finding on the positive association between Agreeableness and vigorous physical activity,
despite its being surprising and in contradiction to previous findings (Aşçı et al., 2015; Sutin
et al., 2016; Wilson & Dishman, 2015), is supported by Artese et al. (2017), who reported
Agreeableness to be positively associated with moderate-vigorous physical activity and step
counts. Our results suggest that Agreeableness might be a significant factor in physical activity,
particularly among men. In the same JYLS data, Hietalahti, Rantanen and Kokko (2016) found
Agreeableness to be positively correlated with leisure and physical fitness goals among men.
Our results may, therefore, also be coincidental and reflective only of the present study
population. However, considering that most of the previous studies on personality traits and
physical activity have not taken gender differences into account, our results are hypothesisgenerating
and merit replication in a larger sample.
Our analyses on trait combinations shed light on both the relationship between adult
temperament and personality traits and their simultaneous association with physical activity.
Our results suggest that the women in the present study sample may be seeking something other
than high intensity or strong stimulus from their physical activity. The present results also
imply that these women may be looking for novel experiences when engaging in physical
activity and that men with high levels of negative emotionality are at especial risk for being
physically inactive. On the other hand, our results indicate that self-regulative processes are
related to the ability of men to follow up on high intensity training and perhaps to inhibit the
urge to cease exercise despite the unpleasant sensations possibly induced by intense physical
stimulation. Although generally described by attributes such as altruism, ingenuousness and
kindness (McCrae & John, 1992b), our observation on the association of the trait combination
of Effortful control and Agreeableness with vigorous physical activity engagement may in fact
support the findings of Jensen-Campbell et al. (2002), who suggested that Agreeableness has a
developmental basis in inhibition and self-control rather than social conformity. As our
analyses on individual traits and trait combinations also produced slightly different results,
more emphasis on examining the inter-relationships between temperament and personality
characteristics is needed. Similarly, while the trait combinations presented here gained
theoretical support from existing correlational evidence between temperament and personality
characteristics (Evans & Rothbart, 2007; Pulkkinen et al., 2012; Wiltink et al., 2006), the novel
analytic approach used merits further research.
The present findings add to the extensive line of personality research already conducted on the
JYLS study population, unique in its representativeness and length of follow-up. Previous
studies on the same data have linked personality traits to various meaningful aspects of adult
life, including parenting (Metsäpelto & Pulkkinen, 2003; Rantanen, Tillemann, Metsäpelto,
Kokko, & Pulkkinen, 2015), working life (Viinikainen, Kokko, Pulkkinen, & Pehkonen, 2010;
Viinikainen & Kokko, 2012) and well-being (e.g. Kokko et al., 2013; Mäkikangas et al., 2015).
Our findings extend this knowledge by indicating yet another domain of these individuals’
daily lives, habitual physical activity, to which individual differences in both temperament and
personality traits contribute. Following Kinnunen et al. (2012), our findings also point to the
utility of assessing larger groups of (temperament and) personality characteristics instead of
focusing on individual traits alone.
Humans can have normal olfaction without apparent olfactory bulbs (seen in 0.6% of women, but not in men); this is associated with left-handedness
Human Olfaction without Apparent Olfactory Bulbs. Tali Weiss et al. Neuron, November 6 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuron.2019.10.006
Highlights
• Humans can have normal olfaction without apparent olfactory bulbs
• Olfaction without apparent bulbs is seen in 0.6% of women, but not in men
• Olfaction without apparent bulbs is associated with left-handedness
Summary: The olfactory bulbs (OBs) are the first site of odor representation in the mammalian brain, and their unique ultrastructure is considered a necessary substrate for spatiotemporal coding of smell. Given this, we were struck by the serendipitous observation at MRI of two otherwise healthy young left-handed women, yet with no apparent OBs. Standardized tests revealed normal odor awareness, detection, discrimination, identification, and representation. Functional MRI of these women’s brains revealed that odorant-induced activity in piriform cortex, the primary OB target, was similar in its extent to that of intact controls. Finally, review of a public brain-MRI database with 1,113 participants (606 women) also tested for olfactory performance, uncovered olfaction without anatomically defined OBs in ∼0.6% of women and ∼4.25% of left-handed women. Thus, humans can perform the basic facets of olfaction without canonical OBs, implying extreme plasticity in the functional neuroanatomy of this sensory system.
Highlights
• Humans can have normal olfaction without apparent olfactory bulbs
• Olfaction without apparent bulbs is seen in 0.6% of women, but not in men
• Olfaction without apparent bulbs is associated with left-handedness
Summary: The olfactory bulbs (OBs) are the first site of odor representation in the mammalian brain, and their unique ultrastructure is considered a necessary substrate for spatiotemporal coding of smell. Given this, we were struck by the serendipitous observation at MRI of two otherwise healthy young left-handed women, yet with no apparent OBs. Standardized tests revealed normal odor awareness, detection, discrimination, identification, and representation. Functional MRI of these women’s brains revealed that odorant-induced activity in piriform cortex, the primary OB target, was similar in its extent to that of intact controls. Finally, review of a public brain-MRI database with 1,113 participants (606 women) also tested for olfactory performance, uncovered olfaction without anatomically defined OBs in ∼0.6% of women and ∼4.25% of left-handed women. Thus, humans can perform the basic facets of olfaction without canonical OBs, implying extreme plasticity in the functional neuroanatomy of this sensory system.
After controlling for car length, brand status, and car price, driver seat space remained a positive predictor of illegal parking
Does size matter? Spacious car cockpits may increase the probability of parking violations. Felix C. Meier, Markus Schöbel & Markus A. Feufel. Ergonomics, Volume 61, 2018 - Issue 12, Pages 1613-1618, Oct 26 2018. https://doi.org/10.1080/00140139.2018.1503727
Abstract: Cockpit design is a core area of human factors and ergonomics (HF/E). Ideally, good design compensates for human capacity limitations by distributing task requirements over human and interface to improve safety and performance. Recent empirical findings suggest that the mere spatial layout of car cockpits may influence driver behaviour, expanding current views on HF/E in cockpit design. To assess the reliability of findings showing that an expansive driver seat space predicts parking violations, we replicated an original field study in a geographically and socio-culturally different location and included an additional covariate. After controlling for car length, brand status, and car price, driver seat space remained a positive predictor of illegal parking. This suggests that the spatial design of vehicle cockpits may indeed have an influence on driver behaviour and may therefore be a relevant dimension to be included in research and applications of HF/E in cockpit design.
Practitioner summary: In car cockpit design, ergonomists typically focus on optimising human–machine interfaces to improve traffic safety. We replicate evidence showing that increasing physical space surrounding the driver relates to an increased probability of parking violations. This suggests that spatial design should be added to the ergonomist's toolbox for reducing traffic violations.
Keywords: Embodiment, expansive body postures, traffic safety, cockpit design, parking violations
4 Discussion
Similar to the findings of Yap and colleagues (2013) our study shows that driver seat space predictsthe likelihood of parking violations. This effect could be replicated in a different cultural (Germany vs. US) and urban setting (the rural town of Offenburg vs. the metropolis New York City) focusing ona broad variation of parking violations identified by professional inspectors.Theeffect statistically persisted, even when controlling for car brand status, car length, and car price, the latter of which is also a significant predictor forparking violations.
These findings suggest that driving behaviour and traffic safety may not only be influenced by interactions between the person behind the wheel and interface design, but also by the spatial dimension of the driver'scar cockpit. Furtherresearchinto the effectof driver seat space on behavioural processes(e.g., body postures, risk taking, andviolations)might inform future HF/E research on cockpit design. Relatedly, our results also imply that safe cockpit design should also move beyond the standard error categories of slips, lapses and mistakes,and should also pay attention to violations. Although ample studies investigate the relationship between psychological factors and traffic violations (e.g.,Ba et al. 2016), there are only few HF/E studies on the effect of cockpit designon traffic violations to date (e.g., Aliane et al. 2014). The present study suggests anewavenue for HF/E to systematicallyinvestigate traffic violations in relation to the spatial dimensionof cockpit design. More such studies may have the power to advance the current understanding of traffic violations bycomplementingpsychological sources of violations with those that are located in the environment (Reason 1990).
We are aware that the behavioural effects of body postures are fiercely debated in the literature. Given that this debate is ongoing,there is no clear-cut explanatory accountfor our results. But even ifwecannot explain the effect of body postures on parking violations with our observational design, our results may help trigger additional research for a better understanding of the relationship between driver seat space and traffic violations.
Our study included additional control variables (i.e., car price) compared to the original study by Yap and colleagues. However, there are also other variables, which shouldbe consideredin future studies. For instance, tall or heavy drivers will have different individual seat spaces compared to short and slender drivers. Also, individual seat configuration, that is, whether a seat is adjusted closer to or further away from the steering wheel, influences individual seat spaceand, therefore, body postures. Moreover, Carney, Cuddy, and Yap (2015) discuss that also the time a person remains in a certain posturemay change its effects. Whereas experimental manipulations of body postures forced participants to hold a posture oneminute (Carney, Cuddy, and Yap 2010) or threeminutes (Ranehill et al. 2015), it can be assumed that participants in our study did not “hold” but selected a posture that felt comfortable or natural, potentially for an extended period of time. Clearly, more research is needed to work out both the magnitude and the causal explanations of body posture effects as well astheir relevance for cockpit design. Our results imply that it is worthwhile investigating the thus faru nder-researched impact of driver seat space on traffic behaviour. HF/E is well equipped to follow up on these findings.
Abstract: Cockpit design is a core area of human factors and ergonomics (HF/E). Ideally, good design compensates for human capacity limitations by distributing task requirements over human and interface to improve safety and performance. Recent empirical findings suggest that the mere spatial layout of car cockpits may influence driver behaviour, expanding current views on HF/E in cockpit design. To assess the reliability of findings showing that an expansive driver seat space predicts parking violations, we replicated an original field study in a geographically and socio-culturally different location and included an additional covariate. After controlling for car length, brand status, and car price, driver seat space remained a positive predictor of illegal parking. This suggests that the spatial design of vehicle cockpits may indeed have an influence on driver behaviour and may therefore be a relevant dimension to be included in research and applications of HF/E in cockpit design.
Practitioner summary: In car cockpit design, ergonomists typically focus on optimising human–machine interfaces to improve traffic safety. We replicate evidence showing that increasing physical space surrounding the driver relates to an increased probability of parking violations. This suggests that spatial design should be added to the ergonomist's toolbox for reducing traffic violations.
Keywords: Embodiment, expansive body postures, traffic safety, cockpit design, parking violations
4 Discussion
Similar to the findings of Yap and colleagues (2013) our study shows that driver seat space predictsthe likelihood of parking violations. This effect could be replicated in a different cultural (Germany vs. US) and urban setting (the rural town of Offenburg vs. the metropolis New York City) focusing ona broad variation of parking violations identified by professional inspectors.Theeffect statistically persisted, even when controlling for car brand status, car length, and car price, the latter of which is also a significant predictor forparking violations.
These findings suggest that driving behaviour and traffic safety may not only be influenced by interactions between the person behind the wheel and interface design, but also by the spatial dimension of the driver'scar cockpit. Furtherresearchinto the effectof driver seat space on behavioural processes(e.g., body postures, risk taking, andviolations)might inform future HF/E research on cockpit design. Relatedly, our results also imply that safe cockpit design should also move beyond the standard error categories of slips, lapses and mistakes,and should also pay attention to violations. Although ample studies investigate the relationship between psychological factors and traffic violations (e.g.,Ba et al. 2016), there are only few HF/E studies on the effect of cockpit designon traffic violations to date (e.g., Aliane et al. 2014). The present study suggests anewavenue for HF/E to systematicallyinvestigate traffic violations in relation to the spatial dimensionof cockpit design. More such studies may have the power to advance the current understanding of traffic violations bycomplementingpsychological sources of violations with those that are located in the environment (Reason 1990).
We are aware that the behavioural effects of body postures are fiercely debated in the literature. Given that this debate is ongoing,there is no clear-cut explanatory accountfor our results. But even ifwecannot explain the effect of body postures on parking violations with our observational design, our results may help trigger additional research for a better understanding of the relationship between driver seat space and traffic violations.
Our study included additional control variables (i.e., car price) compared to the original study by Yap and colleagues. However, there are also other variables, which shouldbe consideredin future studies. For instance, tall or heavy drivers will have different individual seat spaces compared to short and slender drivers. Also, individual seat configuration, that is, whether a seat is adjusted closer to or further away from the steering wheel, influences individual seat spaceand, therefore, body postures. Moreover, Carney, Cuddy, and Yap (2015) discuss that also the time a person remains in a certain posturemay change its effects. Whereas experimental manipulations of body postures forced participants to hold a posture oneminute (Carney, Cuddy, and Yap 2010) or threeminutes (Ranehill et al. 2015), it can be assumed that participants in our study did not “hold” but selected a posture that felt comfortable or natural, potentially for an extended period of time. Clearly, more research is needed to work out both the magnitude and the causal explanations of body posture effects as well astheir relevance for cockpit design. Our results imply that it is worthwhile investigating the thus faru nder-researched impact of driver seat space on traffic behaviour. HF/E is well equipped to follow up on these findings.
Wednesday, November 6, 2019
Our results suggest that individuals in a more positive mood are less likely to cooperate, and play less efficiently in a repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma
Happiness, cooperation and language. Eugenio Proto, Daniel Sgroi, Mahnaz Nazneen. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, November 6 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2019.10.006
Abstract: According to existing research across several disciplines (management, psychology, economics and neuroscience), positive mood can have positive effects, engendering more altruistic, open and helpful behaviour, but can also work through a more negative channel by inducing inward-orientation, assertiveness, and reduced use of information. This leaves the impact on cooperation in interactive and strategic situations unclear. We find evidence from 490 participants in a laboratory experiment suggesting that participants in an induced positive mood cooperate less in a repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma than participants in a neutral setting. This is robust to the number of repetitions or the inclusion of pre-play communication. In order to understand why positive mood might damage the propensity to cooperate, we conduct a language analysis of the pre-play communication between players. This analysis indicates that subjects in a more positive mood use more inward-oriented and more negative language.
Keywords: Positive moodAffectHappinessMood induction proceduresCooperationRepeated Prisoner’s DilemmaSocial preferencesSocial dilemmasCognitive skillsProductivityInward-orientationLanguage analysis
JEL classification: C72 (Cooperative games)C91 (Laboratory experiments)D91 (Role and effects of psychologicalemotionalsocialand cognitive factors on decision making)J24 (Productivity)J28 (Life satisfaction)
---
In a previous version:
5 Concluding Remarks
Our results suggest that individuals in a more positive mood are less likely to cooperate, and play less efficiently in a repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma. This supports what we described as the “negative channel” in the introduction, and suggests that this channel dominates the “positive channel” in a situation involving repeated play and strategic interaction. This is true both for the repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma with a known and unknown end date and for sessions both with and without pre-play communication. We also show that the result is not specific to a particular form of mood induction. The result holds right through to the final round of play, though it does not hold if we analyse only the very first round of each supergame.
A novel analysis of the text used in pre-play communication, to our knowledge the first of its kind in an economics laboratory experiment, suggests that those in a more positive mood use more negative language and display greater inward-orientation (through the greater use of the “I” pronoun) than those in a neutral mood which also supports the “negative channel”. We confirm that inward orientation is not specific to any one form of mood induction (it applies equally well to the use of movie clips or Velten statements and music) an our language analysis is. Our findings also support the concept of “mood maintenance” which explains why those with a higher level of happiness might shy away from the risks involved in cooperation: they have more to lose and less to gain compared to those at lower levels of happiness: this is most apparent when looking at the choice of defect where positive mood is associated with a 7.2 percentage point reduction (p-value 0.0232) in the cooperation. These findings are very different from results in the literature typically obtained in oneshot games or which do not involve strategic interaction. A simple explanation (supported by Proto et al. (2017)) is that repeated-interaction games involve more complex tasks where cognitive ability plays a crucial role.
Taken together with one of the key findings in the “negative channel” described earlier, that cognitive ability may be negatively related to positive mood, this might explain why subjects in a neutral mood are better equipped for more complex strategic settings. Finally, we should note that in our study we were specifically interested in the impact of general positive or neutral mood shocks and so elected to have everyone within a session face the same shock. Randomization then occurred across sessions not within sessions. This works well if we wish to consider a situation where everyone faces the same shock. Our work is not well-placed to study situations where individuals face different shocks and in judging how these might interact, for instance if one player has recently become happier while another has not. This is a potential topic for future study.
Abstract: According to existing research across several disciplines (management, psychology, economics and neuroscience), positive mood can have positive effects, engendering more altruistic, open and helpful behaviour, but can also work through a more negative channel by inducing inward-orientation, assertiveness, and reduced use of information. This leaves the impact on cooperation in interactive and strategic situations unclear. We find evidence from 490 participants in a laboratory experiment suggesting that participants in an induced positive mood cooperate less in a repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma than participants in a neutral setting. This is robust to the number of repetitions or the inclusion of pre-play communication. In order to understand why positive mood might damage the propensity to cooperate, we conduct a language analysis of the pre-play communication between players. This analysis indicates that subjects in a more positive mood use more inward-oriented and more negative language.
Keywords: Positive moodAffectHappinessMood induction proceduresCooperationRepeated Prisoner’s DilemmaSocial preferencesSocial dilemmasCognitive skillsProductivityInward-orientationLanguage analysis
JEL classification: C72 (Cooperative games)C91 (Laboratory experiments)D91 (Role and effects of psychologicalemotionalsocialand cognitive factors on decision making)J24 (Productivity)J28 (Life satisfaction)
---
In a previous version:
5 Concluding Remarks
Our results suggest that individuals in a more positive mood are less likely to cooperate, and play less efficiently in a repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma. This supports what we described as the “negative channel” in the introduction, and suggests that this channel dominates the “positive channel” in a situation involving repeated play and strategic interaction. This is true both for the repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma with a known and unknown end date and for sessions both with and without pre-play communication. We also show that the result is not specific to a particular form of mood induction. The result holds right through to the final round of play, though it does not hold if we analyse only the very first round of each supergame.
A novel analysis of the text used in pre-play communication, to our knowledge the first of its kind in an economics laboratory experiment, suggests that those in a more positive mood use more negative language and display greater inward-orientation (through the greater use of the “I” pronoun) than those in a neutral mood which also supports the “negative channel”. We confirm that inward orientation is not specific to any one form of mood induction (it applies equally well to the use of movie clips or Velten statements and music) an our language analysis is. Our findings also support the concept of “mood maintenance” which explains why those with a higher level of happiness might shy away from the risks involved in cooperation: they have more to lose and less to gain compared to those at lower levels of happiness: this is most apparent when looking at the choice of defect where positive mood is associated with a 7.2 percentage point reduction (p-value 0.0232) in the cooperation. These findings are very different from results in the literature typically obtained in oneshot games or which do not involve strategic interaction. A simple explanation (supported by Proto et al. (2017)) is that repeated-interaction games involve more complex tasks where cognitive ability plays a crucial role.
Taken together with one of the key findings in the “negative channel” described earlier, that cognitive ability may be negatively related to positive mood, this might explain why subjects in a neutral mood are better equipped for more complex strategic settings. Finally, we should note that in our study we were specifically interested in the impact of general positive or neutral mood shocks and so elected to have everyone within a session face the same shock. Randomization then occurred across sessions not within sessions. This works well if we wish to consider a situation where everyone faces the same shock. Our work is not well-placed to study situations where individuals face different shocks and in judging how these might interact, for instance if one player has recently become happier while another has not. This is a potential topic for future study.
The rise in the political polarization in recent decades is not accounted for by the dramatic rise in internet use; claims that partisans inhabit wildly segregated echo chambers/filter bubbles are largely overstated
Deri, Sebastian. 2019. “Internet Use and Political Polarization: A Review.” PsyArXiv. November 6. doi:10.31234/osf.io/u3xyb
Abstract
In this paper, I attempt to provide a comprehensive review of the evidence regarding the relationship between political polarization in the US and internet use. In the first part, I examine whether there has indeed been a rise in political polarization in the US in the last several decades. The remaining second and third parts deal with the relationship between polarization and internet use. I begin, in the second part, by reviewing evidence pertaining to the question of whether internet use plays a causal role in bringing about polarization. I then move, in the third part, to exploring the possible means by which internet use might bring about polarization. By analogy to cigarettes and cancer, the second part examines whether cigarette smoking causes cancer, while the third part examines how cigarette smoking causes (or might cause) cancer. One focus, in the third section, is on the most often discussed mechanism of internet-caused polarization: segregated information exposure, which corresponds to claims that polarization is been driven by an internet ecosystem characterized by “echo chambers”, “filter bubbles”, and otherwise partisan information consumption and dissemination.
The brief summary for each of the three parts is this. First, there is evidence that polarization has been on the rise in the U.S. in the recent decades—but it depends what you measure. When comparing Republican and Democrats, there is strongest evidence for increases in affective polarization and policy-based polarization. Second, most analyses would marshal against a version of reality where the rise in the political polarization in recent decades is mostly accounted for by the dramatic rise in internet use over this same time period. However, one notable, well-conducted, large-scale randomized direct intervention study confirms that de-activating a social media account (Facebook) resulted in significant and non-trivially sized decreases in polarization, specifically related to political opinions and policy preferences (Allcott, Braghieri, Eichmeyer, & Gentzkow, 2019). Finally, the evidence is murkiest regarding how internet use might drive polarization. With regard to polarization via segregated information exposure, claims that partisans inhabit wildly segregated “echo chambers” or “filter bubbles” are largely overstated. Nevertheless, there are significant and meaningful differences in the political content that partisans of different political orientations consume online, comparable to the degree of segregation in national print newspaper readership. Causal evidence linking this differential exposure to political polarization is not as strong as evidence that differential exposure exists. Evidence for other mechanisms of polarization is suggestive but awaits strong empirical confirmation.
Abstract
In this paper, I attempt to provide a comprehensive review of the evidence regarding the relationship between political polarization in the US and internet use. In the first part, I examine whether there has indeed been a rise in political polarization in the US in the last several decades. The remaining second and third parts deal with the relationship between polarization and internet use. I begin, in the second part, by reviewing evidence pertaining to the question of whether internet use plays a causal role in bringing about polarization. I then move, in the third part, to exploring the possible means by which internet use might bring about polarization. By analogy to cigarettes and cancer, the second part examines whether cigarette smoking causes cancer, while the third part examines how cigarette smoking causes (or might cause) cancer. One focus, in the third section, is on the most often discussed mechanism of internet-caused polarization: segregated information exposure, which corresponds to claims that polarization is been driven by an internet ecosystem characterized by “echo chambers”, “filter bubbles”, and otherwise partisan information consumption and dissemination.
The brief summary for each of the three parts is this. First, there is evidence that polarization has been on the rise in the U.S. in the recent decades—but it depends what you measure. When comparing Republican and Democrats, there is strongest evidence for increases in affective polarization and policy-based polarization. Second, most analyses would marshal against a version of reality where the rise in the political polarization in recent decades is mostly accounted for by the dramatic rise in internet use over this same time period. However, one notable, well-conducted, large-scale randomized direct intervention study confirms that de-activating a social media account (Facebook) resulted in significant and non-trivially sized decreases in polarization, specifically related to political opinions and policy preferences (Allcott, Braghieri, Eichmeyer, & Gentzkow, 2019). Finally, the evidence is murkiest regarding how internet use might drive polarization. With regard to polarization via segregated information exposure, claims that partisans inhabit wildly segregated “echo chambers” or “filter bubbles” are largely overstated. Nevertheless, there are significant and meaningful differences in the political content that partisans of different political orientations consume online, comparable to the degree of segregation in national print newspaper readership. Causal evidence linking this differential exposure to political polarization is not as strong as evidence that differential exposure exists. Evidence for other mechanisms of polarization is suggestive but awaits strong empirical confirmation.
Do exonerees face employment discrimination similar to actual offenders?
Do exonerees face employment discrimination similar to actual offenders? Jeff Kukucka, Heather K. Applegarth, Abby L. Mello. Legal and Criminological Psychology, November 6 2019. https://doi.org/10.1111/lcrp.12159
Abstract
Purpose: Given that criminal offenders face employment discrimination (Ahmed & Lang, 2017, IZA Journal of Labor Policy, 6) and wrongly convicted individuals are stereotyped similarly to offenders (Clow & Leach, 2015, Legal and Criminological Psychology, 20, 147), we tested the hypothesis that exonerees – despite their innocence – face employment discrimination comparable to actual offenders.
Methods: Experienced hiring professionals (N = 82) evaluated a job application that was identical apart from the applicant's criminal history (i.e., offender, exoneree, or none).
Results: As predicted, professionals formed more negative impressions of both the exoneree and offender – but unexpectedly, they stereotyped exonerees and offenders somewhat differently. Compared to the control applicant, professionals desired to contact more of the exoneree's references, and they offered the exoneree a lower wage.
Conclusions: Paradoxically, exonerees may be worse off than offenders to the extent that exonerees also face employment discrimination but have access to fewer resources. As the exoneree population continues to grow, research can and should inform policies and legislation in ways that will facilitate exonerees’ reintegration.
Discussion
Our findings suggest that exonerees–despite their innocence–may face hiringdiscrimination similar to actual offenders. Compared to an applicant with no criminalhistory, hiring professionals formed less favourable impressions of exoneree and offenderapplicants, desired to contact more of the exoneree’s references, and were more likely tooffer the exoneree a low wage–all despite their applications being otherwise identical.Notably, the observed effects were consistent in magnitude with those seen in meta-analyses of race-based (Quillian, Pager, Hexel, & Midtbøen, 2017) and gender-based(Koch, D’Mello, & Sackett, 2015) hiring discrimination. For offenders, employment is animportant predictor of post-release adjustment (Bahr, Harris, Fisher, & Armstrong, 2010;Uggen, Wakefield, & Western, 2005), including lower recidivism. Similarly for exonerees,studies have found a positive relationship between employment and mental health(Wildemanet al., 2011) and a negative relationship between financial compensation andpost-release criminality (Mandery, Shlosberg, West, & Callaghan, 2013). Our findings thuscarry potentially broad implications for exonerees’ post-release well-being.
Like Clow and Leach (2015), we found that hiring professionals negatively stereotypedboth offenders and exonerees–but we also unexpectedly found some evidence that theywere stereotyped differently. While both were seen as less trustworthy than the controlapplicant, exonerees were generally seen as intellectually deficient (i.e., less intelligent,competent, and articulate), whereas offenders were generally seen asmotivationallydeficient (i.e., less conscientious and responsible). If that is the case, then discrimination against these populations may depend on the requirements of the job in question. In our study, applicants sought a job that required both intellect and leadership, which may have made exonerees and offenders equally undesirable candidates. Still, this finding is rather tentative; future research should more carefully explore the possibility that these populations are stereotyped differently and therefore face discrimination under different circumstances.
The tendency to stereotype exonerees as unintelligent suggests that professionals may have attributed the exoneree’s conviction to dispositional rather than situational factors (Gilbert & Malone, 1995; Ross, 1977). Just world theory–which posits that people have afundamental need to view the world as fair (Hafer & B egue, 2005; Lerner & Miller, 1978)–may shed light on why exonerees would be blamed for their own plight: When faced withinjustice, people preserve their belief in a just worldby blaming the victim. In turn, peopleare less helpful to those who appear responsible for their own plight (Farwell & Weiner,2000; Weiner, Perry, & Magnusson, 1988)–and indeed, recent work has found that blaming exonerees for their own conviction predicted lower support for post-exoneration services (Kukucka & Evelo, 2019; Scherr, Normile, & Putney, 2018). This literature may thus explain why professionals stereotyped exonerees as unintelligent and why they more often offered exonerees a low wage. Perhaps educating employers about thesystemic causes of wrongful conviction would reduce discrimination against exonerees. Consistent with this possibility, Ricciardelli and Clow (2012) found that students’attitudes towards exonerees became more positive after hearing a lecture on the causes ofwrongful conviction.
Our professionals also wanted to contact more of the exoneree’s references, and they were equally likely to cite criminal history as a negative quality of the exoneree andoffender. These findings may indicate that professionals doubted the exoneree’s innocence. Qualitative studies abound with examples of exonerees who the publicpresumed guilty even after their exoneration (Scott, 2010; Westervelt & Cook, 2010), andother findings suggest that laypeople are often unconvinced of exonerees’ innocence(Scherr, Normile, & Sarmiento, 2018). If our professionals felt similarly, then it isunsurprising that they were equally apprehensive about the exoneree’s and offender’scriminal history. Alternatively, professionals may have accepted the exoneree’sinnocence but feared that incarceration had tainted them. This possibility is consistentwith research on stigma by association as well as the ‘magical law of contagion’–that is,the belief that people take on the properties of others with whom they have contact (e.g.,Rozin & Royzman, 2001). In other words, people may believe that exonerees take on thesame traits as the offenders with whom they cohabitated in prison (Clowet al., 2012). Future research should explore whether exonerees are stigmatized because they are mistakenly thought to be offenders or because they are known to have cohabitated with offenders.
Abstract
Purpose: Given that criminal offenders face employment discrimination (Ahmed & Lang, 2017, IZA Journal of Labor Policy, 6) and wrongly convicted individuals are stereotyped similarly to offenders (Clow & Leach, 2015, Legal and Criminological Psychology, 20, 147), we tested the hypothesis that exonerees – despite their innocence – face employment discrimination comparable to actual offenders.
Methods: Experienced hiring professionals (N = 82) evaluated a job application that was identical apart from the applicant's criminal history (i.e., offender, exoneree, or none).
Results: As predicted, professionals formed more negative impressions of both the exoneree and offender – but unexpectedly, they stereotyped exonerees and offenders somewhat differently. Compared to the control applicant, professionals desired to contact more of the exoneree's references, and they offered the exoneree a lower wage.
Conclusions: Paradoxically, exonerees may be worse off than offenders to the extent that exonerees also face employment discrimination but have access to fewer resources. As the exoneree population continues to grow, research can and should inform policies and legislation in ways that will facilitate exonerees’ reintegration.
Discussion
Our findings suggest that exonerees–despite their innocence–may face hiringdiscrimination similar to actual offenders. Compared to an applicant with no criminalhistory, hiring professionals formed less favourable impressions of exoneree and offenderapplicants, desired to contact more of the exoneree’s references, and were more likely tooffer the exoneree a low wage–all despite their applications being otherwise identical.Notably, the observed effects were consistent in magnitude with those seen in meta-analyses of race-based (Quillian, Pager, Hexel, & Midtbøen, 2017) and gender-based(Koch, D’Mello, & Sackett, 2015) hiring discrimination. For offenders, employment is animportant predictor of post-release adjustment (Bahr, Harris, Fisher, & Armstrong, 2010;Uggen, Wakefield, & Western, 2005), including lower recidivism. Similarly for exonerees,studies have found a positive relationship between employment and mental health(Wildemanet al., 2011) and a negative relationship between financial compensation andpost-release criminality (Mandery, Shlosberg, West, & Callaghan, 2013). Our findings thuscarry potentially broad implications for exonerees’ post-release well-being.
Like Clow and Leach (2015), we found that hiring professionals negatively stereotypedboth offenders and exonerees–but we also unexpectedly found some evidence that theywere stereotyped differently. While both were seen as less trustworthy than the controlapplicant, exonerees were generally seen as intellectually deficient (i.e., less intelligent,competent, and articulate), whereas offenders were generally seen asmotivationallydeficient (i.e., less conscientious and responsible). If that is the case, then discrimination against these populations may depend on the requirements of the job in question. In our study, applicants sought a job that required both intellect and leadership, which may have made exonerees and offenders equally undesirable candidates. Still, this finding is rather tentative; future research should more carefully explore the possibility that these populations are stereotyped differently and therefore face discrimination under different circumstances.
The tendency to stereotype exonerees as unintelligent suggests that professionals may have attributed the exoneree’s conviction to dispositional rather than situational factors (Gilbert & Malone, 1995; Ross, 1977). Just world theory–which posits that people have afundamental need to view the world as fair (Hafer & B egue, 2005; Lerner & Miller, 1978)–may shed light on why exonerees would be blamed for their own plight: When faced withinjustice, people preserve their belief in a just worldby blaming the victim. In turn, peopleare less helpful to those who appear responsible for their own plight (Farwell & Weiner,2000; Weiner, Perry, & Magnusson, 1988)–and indeed, recent work has found that blaming exonerees for their own conviction predicted lower support for post-exoneration services (Kukucka & Evelo, 2019; Scherr, Normile, & Putney, 2018). This literature may thus explain why professionals stereotyped exonerees as unintelligent and why they more often offered exonerees a low wage. Perhaps educating employers about thesystemic causes of wrongful conviction would reduce discrimination against exonerees. Consistent with this possibility, Ricciardelli and Clow (2012) found that students’attitudes towards exonerees became more positive after hearing a lecture on the causes ofwrongful conviction.
Our professionals also wanted to contact more of the exoneree’s references, and they were equally likely to cite criminal history as a negative quality of the exoneree andoffender. These findings may indicate that professionals doubted the exoneree’s innocence. Qualitative studies abound with examples of exonerees who the publicpresumed guilty even after their exoneration (Scott, 2010; Westervelt & Cook, 2010), andother findings suggest that laypeople are often unconvinced of exonerees’ innocence(Scherr, Normile, & Sarmiento, 2018). If our professionals felt similarly, then it isunsurprising that they were equally apprehensive about the exoneree’s and offender’scriminal history. Alternatively, professionals may have accepted the exoneree’sinnocence but feared that incarceration had tainted them. This possibility is consistentwith research on stigma by association as well as the ‘magical law of contagion’–that is,the belief that people take on the properties of others with whom they have contact (e.g.,Rozin & Royzman, 2001). In other words, people may believe that exonerees take on thesame traits as the offenders with whom they cohabitated in prison (Clowet al., 2012). Future research should explore whether exonerees are stigmatized because they are mistakenly thought to be offenders or because they are known to have cohabitated with offenders.
Amazing how much we may hate the others — The Harmful Side of Thanks: Thankful Responses to High-Power Group Help Undermine Low-Power Groups’ Protest, Pacifying Them
Amazing how much we may hate the others — The Harmful Side of Thanks: Thankful Responses to High-Power Group Help Undermine Low-Power Groups’ Protest. Inna Ksenofontov, Julia C. Becker. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, October 9, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167219879125
Abstract: Giving thanks has multiple psychological benefits. However, within intergroup contexts, thankful responses from low-power to high-power group members could solidify the power hierarchy. The other-oriented nature of grateful expressions could mask power differences and discourage low-power group members from advocating for their ingroup interests. In five studies (N = 825), we examine the novel idea of a potentially harmful side of “thanks,” using correlational and experimental designs and a follow-up. Across different contexts, expressing thanks to a high-power group member who transgressed and then helped undermined low-power group members’ protest intentions and actual protest. Thus, the expression of thanks can pacify members of low-power groups. We offer insights into the underlying process by showing that forgiveness of the high-power benefactor and system justification mediate this effect. Our findings provide evidence for a problematic side of gratitude within intergroup relations. We discuss social implications.
Keywords: expressions of thanks, protest, intergroup helping, system justification, forgiveness
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How can you thank a man for giving you what’s already yours? How then can you thank him for giving you only part of what’s already yours?
—Malcolm X, “The Ballot or the Bullet,” 1964
Abstract: Giving thanks has multiple psychological benefits. However, within intergroup contexts, thankful responses from low-power to high-power group members could solidify the power hierarchy. The other-oriented nature of grateful expressions could mask power differences and discourage low-power group members from advocating for their ingroup interests. In five studies (N = 825), we examine the novel idea of a potentially harmful side of “thanks,” using correlational and experimental designs and a follow-up. Across different contexts, expressing thanks to a high-power group member who transgressed and then helped undermined low-power group members’ protest intentions and actual protest. Thus, the expression of thanks can pacify members of low-power groups. We offer insights into the underlying process by showing that forgiveness of the high-power benefactor and system justification mediate this effect. Our findings provide evidence for a problematic side of gratitude within intergroup relations. We discuss social implications.
Keywords: expressions of thanks, protest, intergroup helping, system justification, forgiveness
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How can you thank a man for giving you what’s already yours? How then can you thank him for giving you only part of what’s already yours?
—Malcolm X, “The Ballot or the Bullet,” 1964
Mild alcohol use is shown to improve bargaining efficiency in labs; the effect does not arise from changes in mood, altruism, or risk aversion; may be caused by impairment in information processing ability, diminishing self-interest
From 2016... Deal or no deal? The effect of alcohol drinking on bargaining. Pak HungAu, Jipeng Zhang. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, Volume 127, July 2016, Pages 70-86. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2016.04.011
Highlights
• Mild alcohol use is shown to improve bargaining efficiency in experiments.
• The effect does not arise from changes in mood, altruism, or risk aversion.
• The effect can be caused by impairment in information processing ability.
Abstract: Alcohol drinking during business negotiation is a very common practice, particularly in some East Asian countries. Does alcohol consumption affect negotiator's strategy and consequently the outcome of the negotiation? If so, what is the mechanism through which alcohol impacts negotiator's behavior? We investigate the effect of a moderate amount of alcohol on negotiation using controlled experiments. Subjects are randomly matched into pairs to play a bargaining game with adverse selection. In the game, each subject is given a private endowment. The total endowment is scaled up and shared equally between the pair provided that they agree to collaborate. It is found that a moderate amount of alcohol consumption increases subjects’ willingness to collaborate, thus improving their average payoff. We find that alcohol consumption increases neither subjects’ preference for risk nor altruism. A possible explanation for the increase in the likelihood of collaboration is that subjects under the influence of alcohol are more “cursed” in the sense of Eyster and Rabin (2005), which is supported by the estimation results of a structural model of quantal response equilibrium.
---
5. Concluding remarks
Given the harmful effects of excessive alcohol consumption on health are well-known, it is not clear and thereforeinteresting to investigate why aggressive business drinking has become a routine, and even an accepted culture in manycountries. In this study, we make the first attempt to study the effect of a mild amount of alcohol consumption on bargainingunder incomplete information. We find a positive effect of alcohol consumption on the efficiency of bargaining in a specificexperimental setting. Our finding suggests that consuming a mild to moderate amount of alcoholic drink in business meetings can potentially help smooth the negotiation process.
Out of the concern of health risk, the alcohol consumption of subjects in our experiment is mild relative to businessdrinking in real world. Our results still can shed useful light on understanding the effect of business drinking. First, thea lcohol intoxication effects, especially on information processing and working memory, have shown to be present even at amild dose of alcohol similar to that used in our experiment (Dry et al., 2012). Moreover, the intoxication effect is increasingin BAC up to a moderate level. We thus conjecture that a slight increase in dosage would strengthen our results. Second,the medical literature has well documented that chronic alcohol consumption makes the drinker develop tolerance to someof alcohol’s effects.20Consequently, the amount of alcohol needed to achieve a certain level of intoxication for a graduatestudent (who do not drink much typically) can be much smaller than the amount for a businessman (who drinks moreheavily and frequently).
Despite the aforementioned positive effect for a mild dose of alcohol, caution must be exercised in extrapolating theresults too far. It is well known that an excessive dose of alcohol can lead to a range of harmful effects, including aggressiveand violent behaviors (Dougherty et al., 1999), as well as impairment in problem solving ability (Streufert et al., 1993). Therefore, it is almost certain that excessive drinking would hamper efficiency in bargaining.
What are the channels through which alcohol use affects bargaining strategies and outcomes in our setting? It is commonly accepted that alcohol use lowers one’s ability to make appropriate reasoning and inference from available information. Therefore, in settings in which skepticism can lead to a breakdown in negotiation, alcohol consumption can make people drop their guard for each others’ actions, thus facilitating reaching an agreement. Our QRE estimation of a cursed equilibrium provides some support for this channel.
Other conceivable channels can be ruled out as follows. First, in line with the existing literature on the effect of alcoholuse, we find that a mild does of alcohol has little (if not zero) effect on our subjects’ risk aversion and altruism. Therefore,the increase in willingness to collaborate does not arise from a decrease in risk aversion, and/or an increase in altruism.
Second, the positive effect of alcohol in social setting has often been attributed to creating a more comforting and relaxingatmosphere. Our experiment is conducted in a laboratory, and each subject consumed the given beer individually. As such,the socializing effect of alcohol is clearly absent in our setting. Third, alcohol consumption has been suggested to have asignaling value that one is trustworthy and is ready to commit to a relationship. (See for example, Haucap and Herr (2014)and Schweitzer and Kerr (2000).) In our study, treatments are randomized and enforced by the experimenters: subjects donot get to choose whether and what type of drink to consume, so they cannot signal their private information. Whereas ourexperiment design abstracts away from the second and the third channels discussed above, future research can consideralcohol’s effects on relieving tension and building trust in a social setting.
Highlights
• Mild alcohol use is shown to improve bargaining efficiency in experiments.
• The effect does not arise from changes in mood, altruism, or risk aversion.
• The effect can be caused by impairment in information processing ability.
Abstract: Alcohol drinking during business negotiation is a very common practice, particularly in some East Asian countries. Does alcohol consumption affect negotiator's strategy and consequently the outcome of the negotiation? If so, what is the mechanism through which alcohol impacts negotiator's behavior? We investigate the effect of a moderate amount of alcohol on negotiation using controlled experiments. Subjects are randomly matched into pairs to play a bargaining game with adverse selection. In the game, each subject is given a private endowment. The total endowment is scaled up and shared equally between the pair provided that they agree to collaborate. It is found that a moderate amount of alcohol consumption increases subjects’ willingness to collaborate, thus improving their average payoff. We find that alcohol consumption increases neither subjects’ preference for risk nor altruism. A possible explanation for the increase in the likelihood of collaboration is that subjects under the influence of alcohol are more “cursed” in the sense of Eyster and Rabin (2005), which is supported by the estimation results of a structural model of quantal response equilibrium.
---
5. Concluding remarks
Given the harmful effects of excessive alcohol consumption on health are well-known, it is not clear and thereforeinteresting to investigate why aggressive business drinking has become a routine, and even an accepted culture in manycountries. In this study, we make the first attempt to study the effect of a mild amount of alcohol consumption on bargainingunder incomplete information. We find a positive effect of alcohol consumption on the efficiency of bargaining in a specificexperimental setting. Our finding suggests that consuming a mild to moderate amount of alcoholic drink in business meetings can potentially help smooth the negotiation process.
Out of the concern of health risk, the alcohol consumption of subjects in our experiment is mild relative to businessdrinking in real world. Our results still can shed useful light on understanding the effect of business drinking. First, thea lcohol intoxication effects, especially on information processing and working memory, have shown to be present even at amild dose of alcohol similar to that used in our experiment (Dry et al., 2012). Moreover, the intoxication effect is increasingin BAC up to a moderate level. We thus conjecture that a slight increase in dosage would strengthen our results. Second,the medical literature has well documented that chronic alcohol consumption makes the drinker develop tolerance to someof alcohol’s effects.20Consequently, the amount of alcohol needed to achieve a certain level of intoxication for a graduatestudent (who do not drink much typically) can be much smaller than the amount for a businessman (who drinks moreheavily and frequently).
Despite the aforementioned positive effect for a mild dose of alcohol, caution must be exercised in extrapolating theresults too far. It is well known that an excessive dose of alcohol can lead to a range of harmful effects, including aggressiveand violent behaviors (Dougherty et al., 1999), as well as impairment in problem solving ability (Streufert et al., 1993). Therefore, it is almost certain that excessive drinking would hamper efficiency in bargaining.
What are the channels through which alcohol use affects bargaining strategies and outcomes in our setting? It is commonly accepted that alcohol use lowers one’s ability to make appropriate reasoning and inference from available information. Therefore, in settings in which skepticism can lead to a breakdown in negotiation, alcohol consumption can make people drop their guard for each others’ actions, thus facilitating reaching an agreement. Our QRE estimation of a cursed equilibrium provides some support for this channel.
Other conceivable channels can be ruled out as follows. First, in line with the existing literature on the effect of alcoholuse, we find that a mild does of alcohol has little (if not zero) effect on our subjects’ risk aversion and altruism. Therefore,the increase in willingness to collaborate does not arise from a decrease in risk aversion, and/or an increase in altruism.
Second, the positive effect of alcohol in social setting has often been attributed to creating a more comforting and relaxingatmosphere. Our experiment is conducted in a laboratory, and each subject consumed the given beer individually. As such,the socializing effect of alcohol is clearly absent in our setting. Third, alcohol consumption has been suggested to have asignaling value that one is trustworthy and is ready to commit to a relationship. (See for example, Haucap and Herr (2014)and Schweitzer and Kerr (2000).) In our study, treatments are randomized and enforced by the experimenters: subjects donot get to choose whether and what type of drink to consume, so they cannot signal their private information. Whereas ourexperiment design abstracts away from the second and the third channels discussed above, future research can consideralcohol’s effects on relieving tension and building trust in a social setting.
Thank God for My Successes (Not My Failures): Feeling God’s Presence Explains a God Attribution Bias
Thank God for My Successes (Not My Failures): Feeling God’s Presence Explains a God Attribution Bias. Amber DeBono, Dennis Poepsel, Natarshia Corley. Psychological Reports, November 4, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0033294119885842
Abstract: Little research has investigated attributional biases to God for positive and negative personal events. Consistent with past work, we predicted that people who believe in God will attribute successes more to God than failures, particularly for highly religious people. We also predicted that believing that God is a part of the self would increase how much people felt God’s presence which would result in giving God more credit for successes. Our study (N = 133) was a two-factor, between-subject experimental design in which participants either won or lost a game and were asked to attribute the cause of this outcome to themselves, God, or other factors. Furthermore, participants either completed the game before or after responding to questions about their religious beliefs. Overall, there was support for our predictions. Our results have important implications for attribution research and the practical psychological experiences for religious people making attributions for their successes and failures.
Keywords: Religion, God, attribution, self
---
Discussion
The results of this study provided substantial evidence for our two primarygoals. First, we demonstrated that people who believe in God attributed successes more to God than their failures. Furthermore, we showed that thiseffect was stronger for people who identified as more religious. We thereforeconceptually replicated previous research (Spilka & Schmidt, 1983), demonstrating that this God attribution style is a reliable effect, not limited to hypo-thetical scenarios.
Moreover, the percentage attributed to God for a win appeared to be bestpredicted by believing God is a part of them. This relationship was bestexplained by simply feeling God’s presence during the experimental task.These findings are consistent with previous research that showed the importanceof the overlap between God and self in addition to feeling God’s presence (e.g.,Hodges et al., 2013; Sharp et al., 2017). In contrast with Spilka and Schmidt’s(1983) findings, our results indicated that the overlap between God and the selfmay provide a better explanation than religious commitment for how peopleattribute successes to God, by feeling God’s presence. Our review of the literature suggests this may be the first study to investigate these concepts as explan-ations for differing attribution styles for failures and successes.
Strengths and implications
Until now, little research has investigated why and how God-believers attributetheir successes to God more than their failures. We replicated the results of a setof over 30-year-old studies (Spilka & Schmidt, 1983). Contrary to these originalstudies, our research did not use hypothetical events; our participants experienced real-life successes and failures. Despite this seemingly stable effect, little research has explained why people who believe in God experienced a God attri-bution bias instead of a self-serving bias. We again showed that a God attribution bias may be a result of religious commitment. In addition to conceptually replicating these over 30-year-old findings (which is important in and of itself), we also found evidence for some possible mechanisms to explain this God attri-bution bias. That is, believing God is a part of them, a variable potentially moreimportant than religiosity, appeared to increase feeling God’s presence whichresulted in greater attributions to God for successes. This is the first setof studies that show these beliefs may play an important role in the God attribution bias.
These results also indicate that a more nuanced approach is needed to under-stand why people attribute successes more to God than failures and how thisimpacts people’s thinking and behavior. Although vignettes are better thansimple survey measures (Alexander & Becker, 1978), they are problematic aspeople might believe they would make attributions one way when in reality theymay do another (Barter & Renold, 1999). Our study is the first to examine God attributional styles for actual experiences of failures and successes by the participants. Nevertheless, the results of our study were consistent with the vignetteresearch: while religious individuals were more likely to use this God-serving attributional style, we saw that people generally tended to give God more credit for successes than failures. We also found support for the idea that feeling Godas a part of the self, which resulted in feeling God’s presence also predictedgiving God greater credit, but only for successes. Religious commitment did notexplain this effect as well as feeling God is a part of the self.
Although the Battleship game held little consequences for participants(whether they won or lost resulted in no benefit or penalty), even with thisinconsequential task, we saw that people will attribute successes more to Godand failures to themselves. Yet, the successes and failures in life often result inreal consequences. Our study showed that even inconsequential failures andsuccesses can lead to God attributional biases seen in previous research. Thus,we would predict a similar God attributional pattern between both consequen-tial and inconsequential tasks, inside and outside of the laboratory.
Our results also suggest that people who are especially religious may be morelikely to attribute their successes more to God than their failures. People whouse this attributional style should be more mindful of these attribution tenden-cies, as giving God credit for successes and taking credit for failures could resultin depression. Potentially, this could explain slumps we see in highly religiousathletes. If athletes give credit to God for successes on the field, this may appearas humility to some, but this type of thinking could quickly lead to the samedownward spiral thinking that we see in people suffering from depression (Alloy& Abramson, 1988). It would be prudent for all of us, especially for people whobelieve in God, to be aware of how much credit we are taking for our successesand failures. As such, Sports Psychologists may consider heeding this line ofthinking in their religious athletes, so that they can break out of their “slumps.”
Our findings also further our understanding of SIT, by showing that religiousidentity may be less important for explaining attributions to God for successesthan experiencing God as part of the self. Although religiosity, an aspect ofone’s collective identity, moderated the effect of wins on attributions to God,experiencing God as part of the self predicted feeling God’s presence, which thenpredicted attributing the win to God. Religious commitment did not explain thiseffect as well. Future research should continue to examine these two variables,religiosity and experiencing God as part of the self, when attempting to explainattributional styles.
Abstract: Little research has investigated attributional biases to God for positive and negative personal events. Consistent with past work, we predicted that people who believe in God will attribute successes more to God than failures, particularly for highly religious people. We also predicted that believing that God is a part of the self would increase how much people felt God’s presence which would result in giving God more credit for successes. Our study (N = 133) was a two-factor, between-subject experimental design in which participants either won or lost a game and were asked to attribute the cause of this outcome to themselves, God, or other factors. Furthermore, participants either completed the game before or after responding to questions about their religious beliefs. Overall, there was support for our predictions. Our results have important implications for attribution research and the practical psychological experiences for religious people making attributions for their successes and failures.
Keywords: Religion, God, attribution, self
---
Discussion
The results of this study provided substantial evidence for our two primarygoals. First, we demonstrated that people who believe in God attributed successes more to God than their failures. Furthermore, we showed that thiseffect was stronger for people who identified as more religious. We thereforeconceptually replicated previous research (Spilka & Schmidt, 1983), demonstrating that this God attribution style is a reliable effect, not limited to hypo-thetical scenarios.
Moreover, the percentage attributed to God for a win appeared to be bestpredicted by believing God is a part of them. This relationship was bestexplained by simply feeling God’s presence during the experimental task.These findings are consistent with previous research that showed the importanceof the overlap between God and self in addition to feeling God’s presence (e.g.,Hodges et al., 2013; Sharp et al., 2017). In contrast with Spilka and Schmidt’s(1983) findings, our results indicated that the overlap between God and the selfmay provide a better explanation than religious commitment for how peopleattribute successes to God, by feeling God’s presence. Our review of the literature suggests this may be the first study to investigate these concepts as explan-ations for differing attribution styles for failures and successes.
Strengths and implications
Until now, little research has investigated why and how God-believers attributetheir successes to God more than their failures. We replicated the results of a setof over 30-year-old studies (Spilka & Schmidt, 1983). Contrary to these originalstudies, our research did not use hypothetical events; our participants experienced real-life successes and failures. Despite this seemingly stable effect, little research has explained why people who believe in God experienced a God attri-bution bias instead of a self-serving bias. We again showed that a God attribution bias may be a result of religious commitment. In addition to conceptually replicating these over 30-year-old findings (which is important in and of itself), we also found evidence for some possible mechanisms to explain this God attri-bution bias. That is, believing God is a part of them, a variable potentially moreimportant than religiosity, appeared to increase feeling God’s presence whichresulted in greater attributions to God for successes. This is the first setof studies that show these beliefs may play an important role in the God attribution bias.
These results also indicate that a more nuanced approach is needed to under-stand why people attribute successes more to God than failures and how thisimpacts people’s thinking and behavior. Although vignettes are better thansimple survey measures (Alexander & Becker, 1978), they are problematic aspeople might believe they would make attributions one way when in reality theymay do another (Barter & Renold, 1999). Our study is the first to examine God attributional styles for actual experiences of failures and successes by the participants. Nevertheless, the results of our study were consistent with the vignetteresearch: while religious individuals were more likely to use this God-serving attributional style, we saw that people generally tended to give God more credit for successes than failures. We also found support for the idea that feeling Godas a part of the self, which resulted in feeling God’s presence also predictedgiving God greater credit, but only for successes. Religious commitment did notexplain this effect as well as feeling God is a part of the self.
Although the Battleship game held little consequences for participants(whether they won or lost resulted in no benefit or penalty), even with thisinconsequential task, we saw that people will attribute successes more to Godand failures to themselves. Yet, the successes and failures in life often result inreal consequences. Our study showed that even inconsequential failures andsuccesses can lead to God attributional biases seen in previous research. Thus,we would predict a similar God attributional pattern between both consequen-tial and inconsequential tasks, inside and outside of the laboratory.
Our results also suggest that people who are especially religious may be morelikely to attribute their successes more to God than their failures. People whouse this attributional style should be more mindful of these attribution tenden-cies, as giving God credit for successes and taking credit for failures could resultin depression. Potentially, this could explain slumps we see in highly religiousathletes. If athletes give credit to God for successes on the field, this may appearas humility to some, but this type of thinking could quickly lead to the samedownward spiral thinking that we see in people suffering from depression (Alloy& Abramson, 1988). It would be prudent for all of us, especially for people whobelieve in God, to be aware of how much credit we are taking for our successesand failures. As such, Sports Psychologists may consider heeding this line ofthinking in their religious athletes, so that they can break out of their “slumps.”
Our findings also further our understanding of SIT, by showing that religiousidentity may be less important for explaining attributions to God for successesthan experiencing God as part of the self. Although religiosity, an aspect ofone’s collective identity, moderated the effect of wins on attributions to God,experiencing God as part of the self predicted feeling God’s presence, which thenpredicted attributing the win to God. Religious commitment did not explain thiseffect as well. Future research should continue to examine these two variables,religiosity and experiencing God as part of the self, when attempting to explainattributional styles.
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