Time and generational changes in cognitive performance in Romania. George Gunnesch-Luca, Dragoș Iliescu. Intelligence, Volume 79, March–April 2020, 101430. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2020.101430
Highlights
• The Flynn effect can be also observed in Romanian samples.
• IQ in Romania is increasing with approximately 3 IQ points per decade.
• Both period and generational effects contribute to the overall effect.
• The continuous positive outlook is in question as modern generations show signs of IQ “fatigue”.
Abstract: The Flynn effect describes sustained gains in cognitive performance that have been observed in the past century. These improvements are not evenly distributed, with strong variations across regions or groups. To this effect, we report time and generational trends in IQ development in Romania. Using pooled repeated cross-sectional data ranging from 2003 to 2018 (N = 12,034), we used Hierarchical Age-Period-Cohort Models (HAPC) on data measured with the Multidimensional Aptitude Battery II. The results show an increase in measured performance of about one third of an IQ point per year, mainly driven by individual level effects and with additional variance attributable to generational (cohort) and period effects.
Check also Cohort differences on the CVLT-II and CVLT3: evidence of a negative Flynn effect on the attention/working memory and learning trials. Lisa V. Graves, Lisa Drozdick, Troy Courville, Thomas J. Farrer, Paul E. Gilbert & Dean C. Delis. The Clinical Neuropsychologist, Dec 12 2019. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2019/12/usa-evidence-of-negative-flynn-effect.html
Monday, January 20, 2020
Associations between cognitive ability & education, from middle childhood to old age, as well as their links with wealth, morbidity and mortality: The strong genetic basis in the association is amplified by environmental experiences
Cognitive ability and education: how behavioural genetic research has advanced our knowledge and understanding of their association. Margherita Malanchini et al. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, January 20 2020. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2020.01.016
Highlights
• The evidence reviewed points to a strong genetic basis in the association between cognitive ability and academic performance, observed from middle childhood to old age.
• Over development, genetic influences are amplified by environmental experiences trhigh gene-environment interplay.
• The strong stability and heritability of academic performance is not driven entirely by cognitive ability.
• Other educationally-relevant noncognitive characteristics contribute to accounting for the genetic variation in academic performance beyond cognitive ability.
• Overall, genetic research has provided compelling evidence that has resulted in greatly advancing our knowledge and understanding of the association between cognitive ability and learning.
• Considering both cognitive and noncognitive skills as well as their biological and environmental underpinnings will be fundamental in moving towards a comprehensive, evidence-based model of education.
Abstract: Cognitive ability and educational success predict positive outcomes across the lifespan, from higher earnings to better health and longevity. The shared positive outcomes associated with cognitive ability and education are emblematic of the strong interconnections between them. Part of the observed associations between cognitive ability and education, as well as their links with wealth, morbidity and mortality, are rooted in genetic variation. The current review evaluates the contribution of decades of behavioural genetic research to our knowledge and understanding of the biological and environmental basis of the association between cognitive ability and education. The evidence reviewed points to a strong genetic basis in their association, observed from middle childhood to old age, which is amplified by environmental experiences. In addition, the strong stability and heritability of educational success are not driven entirely by cognitive ability. This highlights the contribution of other educationally relevant noncognitive characteristics. Considering both cognitive and noncognitive skills as well as their biological and environmental underpinnings will be fundamental in moving towards a comprehensive, evidence-based model of education.
Highlights
• The evidence reviewed points to a strong genetic basis in the association between cognitive ability and academic performance, observed from middle childhood to old age.
• Over development, genetic influences are amplified by environmental experiences trhigh gene-environment interplay.
• The strong stability and heritability of academic performance is not driven entirely by cognitive ability.
• Other educationally-relevant noncognitive characteristics contribute to accounting for the genetic variation in academic performance beyond cognitive ability.
• Overall, genetic research has provided compelling evidence that has resulted in greatly advancing our knowledge and understanding of the association between cognitive ability and learning.
• Considering both cognitive and noncognitive skills as well as their biological and environmental underpinnings will be fundamental in moving towards a comprehensive, evidence-based model of education.
Abstract: Cognitive ability and educational success predict positive outcomes across the lifespan, from higher earnings to better health and longevity. The shared positive outcomes associated with cognitive ability and education are emblematic of the strong interconnections between them. Part of the observed associations between cognitive ability and education, as well as their links with wealth, morbidity and mortality, are rooted in genetic variation. The current review evaluates the contribution of decades of behavioural genetic research to our knowledge and understanding of the biological and environmental basis of the association between cognitive ability and education. The evidence reviewed points to a strong genetic basis in their association, observed from middle childhood to old age, which is amplified by environmental experiences. In addition, the strong stability and heritability of educational success are not driven entirely by cognitive ability. This highlights the contribution of other educationally relevant noncognitive characteristics. Considering both cognitive and noncognitive skills as well as their biological and environmental underpinnings will be fundamental in moving towards a comprehensive, evidence-based model of education.
High intellect/imagination predicted digital aggression in lab and Twitter; low conscientiousness predicted digital aggression on Twitter and self-reports
A Multi-Method Investigation of the Personality Correlates of Digital Aggression. M. Kim, SL. Clark, MB. Donnellan, SA. Burt. Journal of Research in Personality, January 20 2020, 103923. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2020.103923
Highlights
• A multi-method investigation of the personality correlates of digital aggression.
• The ‘Big 5’ differentially predicted all three digital aggression measures.
• High intellect/imagination predicted digital aggression in lab and Twitter.
• Low conscientiousness predicted digital aggression on Twitter and self-reports.
• Personality predictors of digital aggression may be context-specific.
Abstract: Digital aggression (DA) refers to the use of computer-mediated technologies to harm others. A handful of previous studies have provided mixed results regarding the personality correlates of DA. We clarified these findings by analyzing the associations between three measures of DA (behavioral, Twitter, and self-report) and the Big Five traits using data from 1167 undergraduate participants. Big Five personality trait measures predicted all three DA measures, but results varied across particular assessments of DA. These results point to possible moderators and potentially important differences within the broader construct of DA.
Highlights
• A multi-method investigation of the personality correlates of digital aggression.
• The ‘Big 5’ differentially predicted all three digital aggression measures.
• High intellect/imagination predicted digital aggression in lab and Twitter.
• Low conscientiousness predicted digital aggression on Twitter and self-reports.
• Personality predictors of digital aggression may be context-specific.
Abstract: Digital aggression (DA) refers to the use of computer-mediated technologies to harm others. A handful of previous studies have provided mixed results regarding the personality correlates of DA. We clarified these findings by analyzing the associations between three measures of DA (behavioral, Twitter, and self-report) and the Big Five traits using data from 1167 undergraduate participants. Big Five personality trait measures predicted all three DA measures, but results varied across particular assessments of DA. These results point to possible moderators and potentially important differences within the broader construct of DA.
Ideological orientations are substantially heritable, but the public is largely non-ideological; what happens is that ideological orientations are extraordinarily heritable for the most informed citizens, much less for the others
Genes, Ideology, & Sophistication. Nathan P. Kalmoe. Jan 2020. https://www.dropbox.com/s/4q14j1qwx94ub7d/Kalmoe%20-%20Genes%2C%20Ideology%2C%20%26%20Sophistication.pdf?dl=0
Abstract: Twin studies show that ideological orientations are substantially heritable, but how does that comport with evidence showing a largely non-ideological public? This study integrates these two important literatures and tests whether political sophistication is necessary for genetic predispositions to find expression in political attitudes and their organization. Data from the Minnesota Twin Study show that ideological orientations are extraordinarily heritable for the most informed citizens—far more so than full-sample averages in past tests show—but barely heritable among the rest. This holds true for the Wilson-Patterson ideological index scores and a related measure of ideological consistency, and somewhat less so for individual W-P items. Heritability for ideological identification is non-monotonic across knowledge; partisanship is most heritable for the least knowledgeable. The results resolve the tension between the two fields by showing that political knowledge is required to link genetic predispositions with specific attitudes.
DISCUSSION
I set out to test whether average heritability estimates differ by levels of political knowledge, as prodigious literature on the limits of mass belief systems suggest they might. The results grandly support these expectations: High-knowledge twin pairs (top 21%) show heritability estimates ranging from 49-82% (average 65%) across a variety of ideology estimates. In contrast, the least knowledgeable half of the sample showed comparable estimates of 0-40% (average 18%). To sum it up: ideological orientations appear extraordinarily heritable for the most sophisticated citizens—far more so than full-sample averages in past tests show—but hardly heritable at all among the rest.
How well does this twin sample reflect the national population? Arceneaux and colleagues (2012) show Minnesota Twin Study respondents are older and more educated than the American public, on average, but they are similarly interested in politics and similarly unconstrained in attitudes, like national samples. That suggests these tests are a reasonable base from which to infer general population dynamics, at least as they relate to political sophistication.
Converse (2000) argued that ideological tests must always account for the public’s huge
variance in political knowledge—and that doing otherwise risked concealing more than it revealed.
Simply put, average ideological estimates ignore qualitative differences in the nature of belief
systems. The tests here show the utility of extending Converse’s exhortation to estimates of genetic influence. Low-knowledge citizens may also carry heritable ideological predispositions, but those proto-orientations lie dormant without the sophistication and engagement to connect them to concrete sociopolitical attitudes and broader liberal-conservative belief systems. Political knowledge is necessary for that political development. Merging two important and related but isolated fields adds insight into the origins of ideological beliefs and the conditions for genetic influence in politics.
Abstract: Twin studies show that ideological orientations are substantially heritable, but how does that comport with evidence showing a largely non-ideological public? This study integrates these two important literatures and tests whether political sophistication is necessary for genetic predispositions to find expression in political attitudes and their organization. Data from the Minnesota Twin Study show that ideological orientations are extraordinarily heritable for the most informed citizens—far more so than full-sample averages in past tests show—but barely heritable among the rest. This holds true for the Wilson-Patterson ideological index scores and a related measure of ideological consistency, and somewhat less so for individual W-P items. Heritability for ideological identification is non-monotonic across knowledge; partisanship is most heritable for the least knowledgeable. The results resolve the tension between the two fields by showing that political knowledge is required to link genetic predispositions with specific attitudes.
DISCUSSION
I set out to test whether average heritability estimates differ by levels of political knowledge, as prodigious literature on the limits of mass belief systems suggest they might. The results grandly support these expectations: High-knowledge twin pairs (top 21%) show heritability estimates ranging from 49-82% (average 65%) across a variety of ideology estimates. In contrast, the least knowledgeable half of the sample showed comparable estimates of 0-40% (average 18%). To sum it up: ideological orientations appear extraordinarily heritable for the most sophisticated citizens—far more so than full-sample averages in past tests show—but hardly heritable at all among the rest.
How well does this twin sample reflect the national population? Arceneaux and colleagues (2012) show Minnesota Twin Study respondents are older and more educated than the American public, on average, but they are similarly interested in politics and similarly unconstrained in attitudes, like national samples. That suggests these tests are a reasonable base from which to infer general population dynamics, at least as they relate to political sophistication.
Converse (2000) argued that ideological tests must always account for the public’s huge
variance in political knowledge—and that doing otherwise risked concealing more than it revealed.
Simply put, average ideological estimates ignore qualitative differences in the nature of belief
systems. The tests here show the utility of extending Converse’s exhortation to estimates of genetic influence. Low-knowledge citizens may also carry heritable ideological predispositions, but those proto-orientations lie dormant without the sophistication and engagement to connect them to concrete sociopolitical attitudes and broader liberal-conservative belief systems. Political knowledge is necessary for that political development. Merging two important and related but isolated fields adds insight into the origins of ideological beliefs and the conditions for genetic influence in politics.
Sunday, January 19, 2020
Real ideological coherence, stability of political beliefs: Results show polar, coherent, stable, and potent ideological orientations only among the most knowledgeable 20-30% of citizens
Uses and abuses of ideology in political psychology. Nathan P. Kalmoe. Political Psychology, forthcoming. Jan 2020. https://www.dropbox.com/s/owa710fc1fy081n/Kalmoe%20-%20PP%20-%20Uses%20%26%20Abuses%20of%20Ideology.pdf?dl=0
Abstract: Ideology is a central construct in political psychology. Even so, the field’s strong claims about an ideological public rarely engage evidence of enormous individual differences: a minority with real ideological coherence, and weak to non-existent political belief organization for everyone else. Here, I bridge disciplinary gaps by showing the limits of mass political ideology with several popular measures and components—self-identification, core political values (egalitarian and traditionalism’s resistance to change), and policy indices—in representative U.S. surveys across four decades (Ns~13k-37k), plus panel data testing stability. Results show polar, coherent, stable, and potent ideological orientations only among the most knowledgeable 20-30% of citizens. That heterogeneity means full-sample tests overstate ideology for most people but understate it for knowledgeable citizens. Whether through top-down opinion leadership or bottom-up ideological reasoning, organized political belief systems require political attention and understanding to form. Finally, I show that convenience samples make trouble for ideology generalizations. I conclude by proposing analytic best practices to help avoid over-claiming ideology in the public. Taken together, what first looks like strong and broad ideology is actually ideological innocence for most and meaningful ideology for a few.
Keywords: ideology, polarization, knowledge, values, attitudes, methods
Abstract: Ideology is a central construct in political psychology. Even so, the field’s strong claims about an ideological public rarely engage evidence of enormous individual differences: a minority with real ideological coherence, and weak to non-existent political belief organization for everyone else. Here, I bridge disciplinary gaps by showing the limits of mass political ideology with several popular measures and components—self-identification, core political values (egalitarian and traditionalism’s resistance to change), and policy indices—in representative U.S. surveys across four decades (Ns~13k-37k), plus panel data testing stability. Results show polar, coherent, stable, and potent ideological orientations only among the most knowledgeable 20-30% of citizens. That heterogeneity means full-sample tests overstate ideology for most people but understate it for knowledgeable citizens. Whether through top-down opinion leadership or bottom-up ideological reasoning, organized political belief systems require political attention and understanding to form. Finally, I show that convenience samples make trouble for ideology generalizations. I conclude by proposing analytic best practices to help avoid over-claiming ideology in the public. Taken together, what first looks like strong and broad ideology is actually ideological innocence for most and meaningful ideology for a few.
Keywords: ideology, polarization, knowledge, values, attitudes, methods
Immigrants to the US live disproportionately in metropolitan areas where nominal wages are high & real wages are low; they accept such wages to locate in cities that are coastal, larger, & offer deeper immigrant networks
Immigration and the pursuit of amenities. David Albouy Heepyung Cho Mariya Shappo. Journal of Regional Science, November 23 2019. https://doi.org/10.1111/jors.12475
Abstract: Immigrants to the United States live disproportionately in metropolitan areas where nominal wages are high, but real wages are low. This sorting behavior may be due to preferences toward certain quality‐of‐life amenities. Relative to U.S.‐born inter‐state migrants, immigrants accept lower real wages to locate in cities that are coastal, larger, and offer deeper immigrant networks. They sort toward cities that are hillier and also larger and networked. Immigrants come more from coastal, cloudy, and safer countries—conditional on income and distance. They choose cities that resemble their origin in terms of winter temperature, safety, and coastal proximity.
7. CONCLUSION
Given that economists generally model immigrants as pursuing greater market consumption,
it is seems surprising that they live in places that are so expensive. Yet, theories of spatial
equilibrium imply that the lower real wages immigrants receive from picking such expensive
cities is compensated for by quality-of-life amenities.
In particular, immigrants seem to gravitate towards natural amenities such as sunshine and
hilly geography. Most of all, immigrants seem to care for large, often coastal cities, known
for their diversity. Native migrants, on the other hand, move to smaller cities, albeit ones that
are relatively expensive and highly educated. This supports an interesting, if ancient, pattern
whereby migrants land initially on coasts, but over time, eventually move inland. Natives do
seem to be choosy in where they move, as they too move to higher-amenity areas.
Our results highlight that the pursuit for amenities may play as much of a role in determining
where immigrants locate as jobs. In other words, factors that affect labor supply may be as
important as those that affect labor demand. This may explain the fact that many immigrants
already see enormous income gains by moving to the U.S., and care not only for market goods,
but for non-market goods as well. As our push regressions suggest, some may indeed pursue
better amenities than in their origin country. Nevertheless, immigrants also seek out amenities,
as well as people, that resemble those of their origin countries. Indeed, the amenities that
remind someone of home may be the kind of amenities most worth paying for.
Abstract: Immigrants to the United States live disproportionately in metropolitan areas where nominal wages are high, but real wages are low. This sorting behavior may be due to preferences toward certain quality‐of‐life amenities. Relative to U.S.‐born inter‐state migrants, immigrants accept lower real wages to locate in cities that are coastal, larger, and offer deeper immigrant networks. They sort toward cities that are hillier and also larger and networked. Immigrants come more from coastal, cloudy, and safer countries—conditional on income and distance. They choose cities that resemble their origin in terms of winter temperature, safety, and coastal proximity.
7. CONCLUSION
Given that economists generally model immigrants as pursuing greater market consumption,
it is seems surprising that they live in places that are so expensive. Yet, theories of spatial
equilibrium imply that the lower real wages immigrants receive from picking such expensive
cities is compensated for by quality-of-life amenities.
In particular, immigrants seem to gravitate towards natural amenities such as sunshine and
hilly geography. Most of all, immigrants seem to care for large, often coastal cities, known
for their diversity. Native migrants, on the other hand, move to smaller cities, albeit ones that
are relatively expensive and highly educated. This supports an interesting, if ancient, pattern
whereby migrants land initially on coasts, but over time, eventually move inland. Natives do
seem to be choosy in where they move, as they too move to higher-amenity areas.
Our results highlight that the pursuit for amenities may play as much of a role in determining
where immigrants locate as jobs. In other words, factors that affect labor supply may be as
important as those that affect labor demand. This may explain the fact that many immigrants
already see enormous income gains by moving to the U.S., and care not only for market goods,
but for non-market goods as well. As our push regressions suggest, some may indeed pursue
better amenities than in their origin country. Nevertheless, immigrants also seek out amenities,
as well as people, that resemble those of their origin countries. Indeed, the amenities that
remind someone of home may be the kind of amenities most worth paying for.
CEO Pay in Perspective: A typical employee of the S&P500 firms implicitly “contributes” to the salary of his CEO on average one half of one percent on an individual salary basis
CEO Pay in Perspective. Marcel Boyer. Centre interuniversitaire de recherche en analyse des organisations, Dec 2019. https://cirano.qc.ca/files/publications/2019s-33.pdf
Abstract: The CEO pay ratio, measured as the ratio of CEO pay over the median salary of a firm’s employees, is the most often quoted number in the popular press. This ratio has reached 281 this last year for S&P500 firms, the largest US firms by capitalization (as of November 21 2019). But the B-ratio I proposed here, measured as the CEO pay over the total payroll of the firm, relates CEO pay to the salary of each employee and may be the most relevant and informative figure on CEO pay as perceived by the firm’s employees themselves. How much a typical employee of the S&P500 firms implicitly “contributes” to the salary of his/her CEO? An amount of $273 on average or 0.5% of one’s salary, that is, one half of one percent on an individual salary basis. To assess whether such a contribution is worthwhile, one must determine the value of the CEO for the organization and its workers and stakeholders. The Appendix provides the data for all 500 firms regrouped in 10 industries (Bloomberg classification).
IV. Conclusion
The CEO pay ratio, defined as the CEO pay (not the total compensation of a CEO since it
typically excludes different forms of incentive bonuses) over the median salary of the firm’s
employees, is one of the most discussed topics in society today. I showed that the CEO pay ratio
for the S&P500 firms (the largest US-traded firms by capitalization) reached an average value of
281 this last year (as of November 21 2019), a median value of 170 and a weighted average value
of 185, the last two ratios being more representative of the overall distribution of the relative
CEO pay. Other ratios, clearly more informative and revealing for stakeholders (employees,
citizens, shareholders, suppliers and clients) are the CEO pay per employee (average of $1961,
median of $564, weighted average of $273) and the B-ratio, defined as the CEO pay over the
total payroll of the firm, hence the implicit contribution of each employee (as a % of his/her
salary) to the CEO pay (average of 2,30%, median of 0,88%, weighted average of 0,50%).
I discussed above the value of management (CEO) from a real options approach, which is
arguably the proper methodology to use. Whether a given CEO is worth the pay she/he is getting
remains an open question. But the difference between a good one and a bad one for employees
and other stakeholders is potentially huge.
The CEO pay debate raise two additional crucially important and related questions. First, the
question of inequalities in society, their determining factors, and their evolution over time. I
discuss that question in my forthcoming paper “Inequalities: Income, Wealth, Consumption”,
where I show the level of inequality in income and wealth have been decreasing between 1920
and 1980 but increasing between 1980 and today, while inequality in consumption, arguably the
most important form of inequality, has been decreasing over the whole period and in particular
over the last two decades. I attempt in that paper to identify and explain the determinants of those
movements. Second, the question of the social role of inequalities in income and wealth. I discuss
that question in my forthcoming paper “The Social Role of Inequalities: Why Significant
Inequality Levels in Income and Wealth Are Important for Our Prosperity and Collective Well
Being”, where I show that inequalities in income and wealth develop from two related social
needs namely the need to ensure a proper level of savings and investments and the need to induce
the proper but individually costly acquisition of new competencies, both to favor increased levels
of productivity and prosperity.
Abstract: The CEO pay ratio, measured as the ratio of CEO pay over the median salary of a firm’s employees, is the most often quoted number in the popular press. This ratio has reached 281 this last year for S&P500 firms, the largest US firms by capitalization (as of November 21 2019). But the B-ratio I proposed here, measured as the CEO pay over the total payroll of the firm, relates CEO pay to the salary of each employee and may be the most relevant and informative figure on CEO pay as perceived by the firm’s employees themselves. How much a typical employee of the S&P500 firms implicitly “contributes” to the salary of his/her CEO? An amount of $273 on average or 0.5% of one’s salary, that is, one half of one percent on an individual salary basis. To assess whether such a contribution is worthwhile, one must determine the value of the CEO for the organization and its workers and stakeholders. The Appendix provides the data for all 500 firms regrouped in 10 industries (Bloomberg classification).
IV. Conclusion
The CEO pay ratio, defined as the CEO pay (not the total compensation of a CEO since it
typically excludes different forms of incentive bonuses) over the median salary of the firm’s
employees, is one of the most discussed topics in society today. I showed that the CEO pay ratio
for the S&P500 firms (the largest US-traded firms by capitalization) reached an average value of
281 this last year (as of November 21 2019), a median value of 170 and a weighted average value
of 185, the last two ratios being more representative of the overall distribution of the relative
CEO pay. Other ratios, clearly more informative and revealing for stakeholders (employees,
citizens, shareholders, suppliers and clients) are the CEO pay per employee (average of $1961,
median of $564, weighted average of $273) and the B-ratio, defined as the CEO pay over the
total payroll of the firm, hence the implicit contribution of each employee (as a % of his/her
salary) to the CEO pay (average of 2,30%, median of 0,88%, weighted average of 0,50%).
I discussed above the value of management (CEO) from a real options approach, which is
arguably the proper methodology to use. Whether a given CEO is worth the pay she/he is getting
remains an open question. But the difference between a good one and a bad one for employees
and other stakeholders is potentially huge.
The CEO pay debate raise two additional crucially important and related questions. First, the
question of inequalities in society, their determining factors, and their evolution over time. I
discuss that question in my forthcoming paper “Inequalities: Income, Wealth, Consumption”,
where I show the level of inequality in income and wealth have been decreasing between 1920
and 1980 but increasing between 1980 and today, while inequality in consumption, arguably the
most important form of inequality, has been decreasing over the whole period and in particular
over the last two decades. I attempt in that paper to identify and explain the determinants of those
movements. Second, the question of the social role of inequalities in income and wealth. I discuss
that question in my forthcoming paper “The Social Role of Inequalities: Why Significant
Inequality Levels in Income and Wealth Are Important for Our Prosperity and Collective Well
Being”, where I show that inequalities in income and wealth develop from two related social
needs namely the need to ensure a proper level of savings and investments and the need to induce
the proper but individually costly acquisition of new competencies, both to favor increased levels
of productivity and prosperity.
A Museum Is a Terrible Place for a Date
A Museum Is a Terrible Place for a Date. Sophia Benoit. GQ, January 16, 2020. https://www.gq.com/story/museum-dates-are-bad
Strictly-enforced quiet, bright lighting, and scarce opportunities for eye contact? No thanks.
As the internet is all too eager to inform me, a lot of my opinions are wrong. I think lavender, the ubiquitous scent of relaxation products, smells both too cloying and too medical to soothe. I don’t like sourdough bread, a blasphemous thing to say in an upscale sandwich shop or around Food People in general. I’m not a fan of Succession, unlike the rest of my media comrades and many awards show voters. I’m putting this all out here because I want to be transparent that a lot of my “takes” are… simply not good. One that’s absolutely, inarguably, 100 percent correct though? The next time someone you're chatting with on Tinder suggests you two check out the new MoMA exhibit instead of grabbing drinks, playing mini-golf , or really doing just about any activity under the sun, pivot immediately. Why? Because museums are garbage date spots.
Here is where four to eight people are going to begin mentally composing aggrieved emails that say, “The best date of my entire life took place at The Met; how dare you?” And I will immediately mark them as spam, because museum dates, especially early on in relationships, are second only to poetry when it comes to being a deceitful enemy of love and horniness.
There are many reasons why people who are considering boning should not elect to spend their time before said boning in a spacious, brightly-lit room, but the main one is this: timing. No two people alive move through museums at the same rate. Personally, unless I have purchased a guided audio tour that’s giving me juicy gossip on every artist, like which relatives they slept with and which pope they sent into apoplexy, I’m the kind of person who needs Heelys to get through a museum fast enough. I have no fine art education, which is admittedly my fault, and I don’t get much enjoyment out of paintings without knowing some background. Even then, I get bored easily in quiet, deferentail spaces.
Meanwhile, my boyfriend makes a whole production of it. He can look at one singular painting for longer than it takes me to make a whole lap around the room. (What is he looking at? I’ve spent less time analyzing my best friend’s ex’s engagement photos than he spends on a little statue). He and I are extremely mismatched, yes, but it’s not just the two of us. Everyone has different museum speeds—who is supposed to adjust, and how much? Is the brisk museum enjoyer supposed to linger with the slow peruser, growing bored out of their mind, feigning interest? Or does the lackadaisical browser need to toot toot hurry up? There’s no correct etiquette, just awkwardness.
The idea, of course, is that art will provoke stimulating conversation—great in theory, but unlikely in practice. In this fantasy, you go agog at all the same pieces like the beginning of act two of an indie rom com where you both connect over an abiding love of Artemisia Gentileschi. But that simply doesn’t happen. Either you’re the kind of person who gazes at a painting, speed-reads the plaque, and decides how much you like it, or you stalk around the place with your arms joined behind your back like a Serious Art Person while you form deep, emotional connections with the artwork. This means that when two people enter a museum, one might exit feeling somewhat relaxed (museums are pretty soothing) but otherwise unaffected, while the other is reeling and trying to not think about the painting that reminded them of their estranged relationship with their father. Now what? You two are emotionally out of sync and you’ve just walked two miles, so you have to find a place to sit down pretty soon.
The problem isn’t just that museums—well, the art within them—inspire discordant emotional responses. Lots of, perhaps even most, dates involve two people feeling very differently. The issue is that museums don’t offer a particularly conducive environment to actually talk about these feelings. They’re meant for quiet reflection. There are intimidating security guards stationed at every corner, ready to yell at you the moment your face gets too close to a piece. Plus, everything you say echoes, so your uneducated critique of a classic piece of modern art is earning you glares from an art student who has spent the last two months studying the work of Wassily Kandinsky.
I will also reiterate that these mismatches are especially difficult to reconcile early on. Expressing heavy emotions to someone and getting nothing in return can quickly snuff out a romantic spark. “I loved the painting of the woman on the chair. It reminded me of all the years I felt totally isolated and alone,” being met with, “Yeah. It was nice,” is not a recipe for “happily ever after” or even, “Do you want to come back to my place?” Please reserve deep emotional trauma for date seven and beyond.
Reciprocal enthusiasm and physical touch are two of the best ways to scoot romance along, and you aren’t going to find those in museums. You don’t have to be near to your date, or even make any eye contact at all, in fact, during the entire ordeal.
I will absolutely concede that the museum date sounds romantic. I do not think anyone is a fool for being seduced by the idea of a joint edifying pursuit, of ogling masterpieces with a person you’d like to ogle naked. But unless you two were both art history majors, the reality is likely to fall far short of the expectation.
Strictly-enforced quiet, bright lighting, and scarce opportunities for eye contact? No thanks.
As the internet is all too eager to inform me, a lot of my opinions are wrong. I think lavender, the ubiquitous scent of relaxation products, smells both too cloying and too medical to soothe. I don’t like sourdough bread, a blasphemous thing to say in an upscale sandwich shop or around Food People in general. I’m not a fan of Succession, unlike the rest of my media comrades and many awards show voters. I’m putting this all out here because I want to be transparent that a lot of my “takes” are… simply not good. One that’s absolutely, inarguably, 100 percent correct though? The next time someone you're chatting with on Tinder suggests you two check out the new MoMA exhibit instead of grabbing drinks, playing mini-golf , or really doing just about any activity under the sun, pivot immediately. Why? Because museums are garbage date spots.
Here is where four to eight people are going to begin mentally composing aggrieved emails that say, “The best date of my entire life took place at The Met; how dare you?” And I will immediately mark them as spam, because museum dates, especially early on in relationships, are second only to poetry when it comes to being a deceitful enemy of love and horniness.
There are many reasons why people who are considering boning should not elect to spend their time before said boning in a spacious, brightly-lit room, but the main one is this: timing. No two people alive move through museums at the same rate. Personally, unless I have purchased a guided audio tour that’s giving me juicy gossip on every artist, like which relatives they slept with and which pope they sent into apoplexy, I’m the kind of person who needs Heelys to get through a museum fast enough. I have no fine art education, which is admittedly my fault, and I don’t get much enjoyment out of paintings without knowing some background. Even then, I get bored easily in quiet, deferentail spaces.
Meanwhile, my boyfriend makes a whole production of it. He can look at one singular painting for longer than it takes me to make a whole lap around the room. (What is he looking at? I’ve spent less time analyzing my best friend’s ex’s engagement photos than he spends on a little statue). He and I are extremely mismatched, yes, but it’s not just the two of us. Everyone has different museum speeds—who is supposed to adjust, and how much? Is the brisk museum enjoyer supposed to linger with the slow peruser, growing bored out of their mind, feigning interest? Or does the lackadaisical browser need to toot toot hurry up? There’s no correct etiquette, just awkwardness.
The idea, of course, is that art will provoke stimulating conversation—great in theory, but unlikely in practice. In this fantasy, you go agog at all the same pieces like the beginning of act two of an indie rom com where you both connect over an abiding love of Artemisia Gentileschi. But that simply doesn’t happen. Either you’re the kind of person who gazes at a painting, speed-reads the plaque, and decides how much you like it, or you stalk around the place with your arms joined behind your back like a Serious Art Person while you form deep, emotional connections with the artwork. This means that when two people enter a museum, one might exit feeling somewhat relaxed (museums are pretty soothing) but otherwise unaffected, while the other is reeling and trying to not think about the painting that reminded them of their estranged relationship with their father. Now what? You two are emotionally out of sync and you’ve just walked two miles, so you have to find a place to sit down pretty soon.
The problem isn’t just that museums—well, the art within them—inspire discordant emotional responses. Lots of, perhaps even most, dates involve two people feeling very differently. The issue is that museums don’t offer a particularly conducive environment to actually talk about these feelings. They’re meant for quiet reflection. There are intimidating security guards stationed at every corner, ready to yell at you the moment your face gets too close to a piece. Plus, everything you say echoes, so your uneducated critique of a classic piece of modern art is earning you glares from an art student who has spent the last two months studying the work of Wassily Kandinsky.
I will also reiterate that these mismatches are especially difficult to reconcile early on. Expressing heavy emotions to someone and getting nothing in return can quickly snuff out a romantic spark. “I loved the painting of the woman on the chair. It reminded me of all the years I felt totally isolated and alone,” being met with, “Yeah. It was nice,” is not a recipe for “happily ever after” or even, “Do you want to come back to my place?” Please reserve deep emotional trauma for date seven and beyond.
Reciprocal enthusiasm and physical touch are two of the best ways to scoot romance along, and you aren’t going to find those in museums. You don’t have to be near to your date, or even make any eye contact at all, in fact, during the entire ordeal.
I will absolutely concede that the museum date sounds romantic. I do not think anyone is a fool for being seduced by the idea of a joint edifying pursuit, of ogling masterpieces with a person you’d like to ogle naked. But unless you two were both art history majors, the reality is likely to fall far short of the expectation.
Generalized trust in others lowers mortality, mainly that caused by CVD; trust seems to acts as buffer reducing the axiety stemming from the others' behavior
Trust, happiness and mortality: Findings from a prospective US population-based survey. Social Science & Medicine, January 18 2020, 112809. Alexander Miething, Jan Mewes, Giuseppe N. Giordano. Social Science & Medicine, January 18 2020, 112809. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2020.112809
Highlights
• Happiness and generalised trust both touted as independent predictors of mortality.
• Trust but not happiness predicts all-cause mortality.
• Trust predicts mortality caused by CVD but not by neoplasia.
• Psychosocial mechanisms might drive the association between trust and health.
Abstract: There has been an abundance of research discussing the health implications of generalised trust and happiness over the past two decades. Both attitudes have been touted as independent predictors of morbidity and mortality, with strikingly similar trajectories and biological pathways being hypothesised. To date, however, neither trust nor happiness have been considered simultaneously as predictors of mortality. This study, therefore, aims to investigate the effects of generalised trust and happiness on all-cause and cause-specific mortality. The distinction between different causes of death (i.e. cardiovascular vs. cancer-related mortality) allowed us to assess if psychosocial mechanisms could account for associations between generalised trust, happiness and mortality. The study sample was derived from US General Social Survey data from 1978 to 2010 (response rates ranged from 70 to 82 per cent), and combined with death records from the National Death Index. The analytical sample comprised 23,933 individuals with 5382 validated deaths from all-cause mortality by 2014. Analyses were performed with Cox regression models and competing-risk models. In final models, generalised trust, but not happiness, showed robust and independent associations with all-cause mortality. Regarding cause-specific mortality, trust only showed a significant relationship with cardiovascular mortality. The distinct patterns of association between generalised trust and all-cause/cause-specific mortality suggest that their relationship could be being driven by cardiovascular mortality. In turn, this supports the feasibility of psychosocial pathways as possible biological mechanisms from distrust to mortality.
Keywords: TrustHappinessAll-cause mortalityCause-specific mortalityPsychosocial pathwayCox regressionCompeting-risk regressionUnited States
Discussion
This US population-based study is the first to investigate whether individual-level generalised
trust and happiness independently predicted all-cause mortality. By using cause-specific
mortality outcomes, we further sought to corroborate the hypothesis that psychosocial
mechanisms could provide a feasible pathway from low trust and unhappiness to mortality.
Our findings confirmed that individual-level trust maintained independent and robust
associations with all-cause and cardiovascular-specific mortality, even after socio-economic
and other demographic factors were considered. Results presented here thus mirror previous
empirical findings of associations between generalised trust and longevity (Islam et al., 2006;
Kawachi et al., 1997; Murayama et al., 2012).
Conversely, associations between happiness and all-cause mortality were fully attenuated
once adjusting for confounders. Several mechanisms have been proposed as to why
generalised trust may lead to better health and longevity. Some argue that trust mobilises
social support and enables greater collective action, providing greater access to those
resources needed to cope better with any potential health hazard (Elgar, 2010; Moore &
Kawachi, 2017). Others hint at the genetic aetiology of trust (Oskarsson et al., 2012; Wootton
et al., 2016), though there are currently no studies that investigate if the genetic underpinnings
of distrust/trust are also linked with known disease risk and/or protective gene variants.
That generalised trust is robustly associated with cardiovascular mortality in this study lends
further weight to the idea that psychosocial pathways are a plausible biological mechanism
from trust to health (Abbott & Freeth, 2008). To clarify further, if individual-level trust
reflects social trustworthiness, then lower levels of trust could be indicative of higher social
stressors (Giordano & Lindström, 2010; Wilkinson, 1996). From this perspective, generalised
trust acts as buffer reducing the anxiety stemming from the behaviour of others (Abbott &
Freeth, 2008). If high trust facilitates collective action (Coleman, 1988), then it is reasonable
to assume that low trust hinders this process, creating greater concern during every-day
transactions compared to those conducted within a ‘high-trust’ milieu. It has been argued that
exposure to high levels of social stressors could have a deleterious impact on the
cardiovascular system. The biological pathways through which this acts is the hypothalamic
pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, the overstimulation of which leads to increased levels of blood
cortisol (Rosmond & Björntorp, 2000). Prolonged and/or repeatedly high blood cortisol levels
released under conditions of perceived stress have been shown to increase one’s risk of
atherosclerosis (Dekker et al., 2008) and coronary artery calcification over the life-course
(Hamer et al., 2012).
In this study, individuals who distrusted others had, in comparison to the trusting group, a 13
per cent elevated risk of death caused by cardiovascular disease (Table 3, Model 7 & 8).
However, from the analyses performed, it is not possible to distinguish if individual trust is an
interpretation of environmental trustworthiness (hinting at the social capital debate) or
whether it captures pathological distrust, an element of the personality trait known as cynical
hostility (Kawachi, 2018). Cynically hostile individuals are also reported to have an increased
cardiovascular mortality risk, with possible pathways from distrust to cardiovascular mortality
including socio-economic status and the same HPA-axis mechanisms previously described
(Everson et al., 1997).
Strengths & Limitations
This is the first study to independently investigate the effects of both generalised trust and
happiness on mortality outcomes, using rich US survey data that span over more than three
decades. The GSS data were prospectively linked to mortality registries from the NDI, which
provided objective and validated specific cause-of-death categories. While these pooled GSS
data are nationally representative, this study design relied on single cross-sectional
observations, which do not capture change over time. Though a study based on UK panel data
showed how individuals’ generalised trust could change (Giordano et al., 2012), individuals’
generalised trust tends to re-adapt to a certain ‘set point’ in the longer term (Dawson, 2017).
Considerable stability is also attributed to levels of happiness (Lucas & Donnellan, 2007).
While our study corroborates hypotheses linking generalised trust to longevity, our analysis
has consciously ignored important parts of the wider debate on social capital and health. We
refrained from analysing additional social capital measures for three important reasons. The
first is a simple methodological one: not enough rounds of the GSS contained the desired
measures to obtain statistically powerful samples. Secondly, while generalised trust is ‘sticky’
in adulthood (Uslaner, 2002), other important social capital proxies (e.g. membership in
(voluntary) associations and community ties are not. Our data lacked the possibility to track
individuals’ membership, networks and community social capital longitudinally, making
inferences from any estimates untrustworthy. Thirdly, using Canadian survey data, Carpiano
and Fitterer (2014) have showed that generalised trust could be conceptually different from
other social capital measures.
While survey research generally favours multiple-item scales over single-item measures, our
measures of trust and happiness belonged to the latter group. Regarding happiness, the GSS
simply lacks additional measures. As for trust, previous research highlighted that the single
item trust measure outperforms the GSS three-item trust scale in terms of reliability and
validity (Uslaner, 2015). Moreover, the standard single-item trust measure has, for a long
time, featured in a range of international survey studies. Opting for the single-item trust
measure thus increases the possibility of replication in future studies in other contexts.
We investigated cause-specific mortality in an attempt to substantiate that psychosocial
pathways were one plausible biological mechanism from generalised trust to health.
Unfortunately, there is no possibility to track health behaviour in the GSS-NDI data after
1994, as questions regarding smoking and drinking were no longer employed. We thus lacked
the opportunity to establish associations between trust and CVD mortality adjusting for risky
health behaviour. We deliberately focused on deaths caused by either CVD or by neoplasia
for two reasons. Firstly, because psychosocial pathways are purported to play a greater role in
CVD-related deaths. Secondly, they are the two most frequent causes of death in these data.
Future studies could investigate other associations between trust and cause-specific deaths,
e.g. the infamously theorised association between (a lack of) generalised trust and suicide
(Durkheim, 2005). Unfortunately, the GSS-NDI drawn for purposes of this study simply lack
the statistical power to consider further categories of cause-specific mortality. Finally, all
analyses were conducted at the individual level, which makes it impossible to ascertain
whether presented relationships with mortality are due to trust being an individual or a
contextual resource (Giordano et al., 2019).
Highlights
• Happiness and generalised trust both touted as independent predictors of mortality.
• Trust but not happiness predicts all-cause mortality.
• Trust predicts mortality caused by CVD but not by neoplasia.
• Psychosocial mechanisms might drive the association between trust and health.
Abstract: There has been an abundance of research discussing the health implications of generalised trust and happiness over the past two decades. Both attitudes have been touted as independent predictors of morbidity and mortality, with strikingly similar trajectories and biological pathways being hypothesised. To date, however, neither trust nor happiness have been considered simultaneously as predictors of mortality. This study, therefore, aims to investigate the effects of generalised trust and happiness on all-cause and cause-specific mortality. The distinction between different causes of death (i.e. cardiovascular vs. cancer-related mortality) allowed us to assess if psychosocial mechanisms could account for associations between generalised trust, happiness and mortality. The study sample was derived from US General Social Survey data from 1978 to 2010 (response rates ranged from 70 to 82 per cent), and combined with death records from the National Death Index. The analytical sample comprised 23,933 individuals with 5382 validated deaths from all-cause mortality by 2014. Analyses were performed with Cox regression models and competing-risk models. In final models, generalised trust, but not happiness, showed robust and independent associations with all-cause mortality. Regarding cause-specific mortality, trust only showed a significant relationship with cardiovascular mortality. The distinct patterns of association between generalised trust and all-cause/cause-specific mortality suggest that their relationship could be being driven by cardiovascular mortality. In turn, this supports the feasibility of psychosocial pathways as possible biological mechanisms from distrust to mortality.
Keywords: TrustHappinessAll-cause mortalityCause-specific mortalityPsychosocial pathwayCox regressionCompeting-risk regressionUnited States
Discussion
This US population-based study is the first to investigate whether individual-level generalised
trust and happiness independently predicted all-cause mortality. By using cause-specific
mortality outcomes, we further sought to corroborate the hypothesis that psychosocial
mechanisms could provide a feasible pathway from low trust and unhappiness to mortality.
Our findings confirmed that individual-level trust maintained independent and robust
associations with all-cause and cardiovascular-specific mortality, even after socio-economic
and other demographic factors were considered. Results presented here thus mirror previous
empirical findings of associations between generalised trust and longevity (Islam et al., 2006;
Kawachi et al., 1997; Murayama et al., 2012).
Conversely, associations between happiness and all-cause mortality were fully attenuated
once adjusting for confounders. Several mechanisms have been proposed as to why
generalised trust may lead to better health and longevity. Some argue that trust mobilises
social support and enables greater collective action, providing greater access to those
resources needed to cope better with any potential health hazard (Elgar, 2010; Moore &
Kawachi, 2017). Others hint at the genetic aetiology of trust (Oskarsson et al., 2012; Wootton
et al., 2016), though there are currently no studies that investigate if the genetic underpinnings
of distrust/trust are also linked with known disease risk and/or protective gene variants.
That generalised trust is robustly associated with cardiovascular mortality in this study lends
further weight to the idea that psychosocial pathways are a plausible biological mechanism
from trust to health (Abbott & Freeth, 2008). To clarify further, if individual-level trust
reflects social trustworthiness, then lower levels of trust could be indicative of higher social
stressors (Giordano & Lindström, 2010; Wilkinson, 1996). From this perspective, generalised
trust acts as buffer reducing the anxiety stemming from the behaviour of others (Abbott &
Freeth, 2008). If high trust facilitates collective action (Coleman, 1988), then it is reasonable
to assume that low trust hinders this process, creating greater concern during every-day
transactions compared to those conducted within a ‘high-trust’ milieu. It has been argued that
exposure to high levels of social stressors could have a deleterious impact on the
cardiovascular system. The biological pathways through which this acts is the hypothalamic
pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, the overstimulation of which leads to increased levels of blood
cortisol (Rosmond & Björntorp, 2000). Prolonged and/or repeatedly high blood cortisol levels
released under conditions of perceived stress have been shown to increase one’s risk of
atherosclerosis (Dekker et al., 2008) and coronary artery calcification over the life-course
(Hamer et al., 2012).
In this study, individuals who distrusted others had, in comparison to the trusting group, a 13
per cent elevated risk of death caused by cardiovascular disease (Table 3, Model 7 & 8).
However, from the analyses performed, it is not possible to distinguish if individual trust is an
interpretation of environmental trustworthiness (hinting at the social capital debate) or
whether it captures pathological distrust, an element of the personality trait known as cynical
hostility (Kawachi, 2018). Cynically hostile individuals are also reported to have an increased
cardiovascular mortality risk, with possible pathways from distrust to cardiovascular mortality
including socio-economic status and the same HPA-axis mechanisms previously described
(Everson et al., 1997).
Strengths & Limitations
This is the first study to independently investigate the effects of both generalised trust and
happiness on mortality outcomes, using rich US survey data that span over more than three
decades. The GSS data were prospectively linked to mortality registries from the NDI, which
provided objective and validated specific cause-of-death categories. While these pooled GSS
data are nationally representative, this study design relied on single cross-sectional
observations, which do not capture change over time. Though a study based on UK panel data
showed how individuals’ generalised trust could change (Giordano et al., 2012), individuals’
generalised trust tends to re-adapt to a certain ‘set point’ in the longer term (Dawson, 2017).
Considerable stability is also attributed to levels of happiness (Lucas & Donnellan, 2007).
While our study corroborates hypotheses linking generalised trust to longevity, our analysis
has consciously ignored important parts of the wider debate on social capital and health. We
refrained from analysing additional social capital measures for three important reasons. The
first is a simple methodological one: not enough rounds of the GSS contained the desired
measures to obtain statistically powerful samples. Secondly, while generalised trust is ‘sticky’
in adulthood (Uslaner, 2002), other important social capital proxies (e.g. membership in
(voluntary) associations and community ties are not. Our data lacked the possibility to track
individuals’ membership, networks and community social capital longitudinally, making
inferences from any estimates untrustworthy. Thirdly, using Canadian survey data, Carpiano
and Fitterer (2014) have showed that generalised trust could be conceptually different from
other social capital measures.
While survey research generally favours multiple-item scales over single-item measures, our
measures of trust and happiness belonged to the latter group. Regarding happiness, the GSS
simply lacks additional measures. As for trust, previous research highlighted that the single
item trust measure outperforms the GSS three-item trust scale in terms of reliability and
validity (Uslaner, 2015). Moreover, the standard single-item trust measure has, for a long
time, featured in a range of international survey studies. Opting for the single-item trust
measure thus increases the possibility of replication in future studies in other contexts.
We investigated cause-specific mortality in an attempt to substantiate that psychosocial
pathways were one plausible biological mechanism from generalised trust to health.
Unfortunately, there is no possibility to track health behaviour in the GSS-NDI data after
1994, as questions regarding smoking and drinking were no longer employed. We thus lacked
the opportunity to establish associations between trust and CVD mortality adjusting for risky
health behaviour. We deliberately focused on deaths caused by either CVD or by neoplasia
for two reasons. Firstly, because psychosocial pathways are purported to play a greater role in
CVD-related deaths. Secondly, they are the two most frequent causes of death in these data.
Future studies could investigate other associations between trust and cause-specific deaths,
e.g. the infamously theorised association between (a lack of) generalised trust and suicide
(Durkheim, 2005). Unfortunately, the GSS-NDI drawn for purposes of this study simply lack
the statistical power to consider further categories of cause-specific mortality. Finally, all
analyses were conducted at the individual level, which makes it impossible to ascertain
whether presented relationships with mortality are due to trust being an individual or a
contextual resource (Giordano et al., 2019).
Small associations between the amount of daily digital technology usage & adolescents’ well‐being: Unlikely to be of clinical or practical significance
Annual Research Review: Adolescent mental health in the digital age: facts, fears, and future directions. Candice L. Odgers, Michaeline R. Jensen. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, January 17 2020. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.13190
Abstract: Adolescents are spending an increasing amount of their time online and connected to each other via digital technologies. Mobile device ownership and social media usage have reached unprecedented levels, and concerns have been raised that this constant connectivity is harming adolescents’ mental health. This review synthesized data from three sources: (a) narrative reviews and meta‐analyses conducted between 2014 and 2019, (b) large‐scale preregistered cohort studies and (c) intensive longitudinal and ecological momentary assessment studies, to summarize what is known about linkages between digital technology usage and adolescent mental health, with a specific focus on depression and anxiety. The review highlights that most research to date has been correlational, focused on adults versus adolescents, and has generated a mix of often conflicting small positive, negative and null associations. The most recent and rigorous large‐scale preregistered studies report small associations between the amount of daily digital technology usage and adolescents’ well‐being that do not offer a way of distinguishing cause from effect and, as estimated, are unlikely to be of clinical or practical significance. Implications for improving future research and for supporting adolescents’ mental health in the digital age are discussed.
Abstract: Adolescents are spending an increasing amount of their time online and connected to each other via digital technologies. Mobile device ownership and social media usage have reached unprecedented levels, and concerns have been raised that this constant connectivity is harming adolescents’ mental health. This review synthesized data from three sources: (a) narrative reviews and meta‐analyses conducted between 2014 and 2019, (b) large‐scale preregistered cohort studies and (c) intensive longitudinal and ecological momentary assessment studies, to summarize what is known about linkages between digital technology usage and adolescent mental health, with a specific focus on depression and anxiety. The review highlights that most research to date has been correlational, focused on adults versus adolescents, and has generated a mix of often conflicting small positive, negative and null associations. The most recent and rigorous large‐scale preregistered studies report small associations between the amount of daily digital technology usage and adolescents’ well‐being that do not offer a way of distinguishing cause from effect and, as estimated, are unlikely to be of clinical or practical significance. Implications for improving future research and for supporting adolescents’ mental health in the digital age are discussed.
Key Points
. Adolescents are early and enthusiastic adopters of digital technologies and are increasingly spending their time connecting to the online world and to each other through their devices. This constant connectivity has led to concerns that time spent online may be negatively impacting adolescents’ mental health and wellbeing.
. We synthesized recent findings across meta-analytic studies and narrative reviews, large-scale and preregistered cohort studies, and intensive assessment studies tracking digital technology use and mental health across time.
. Most research to date has been correlational, cross-sectional, mixed in terms of the directionality, and have resulted in small associations which leave no way of separating cause from effect.
. We recommend that future research use experimental and quasi-experimental methods and focus on online experiences versus screen time as well as heterogeneity in effects across diverse populations of youth. Knowledge generated from this research should allow researchers and practitioners to leverage online tools to reduce offline disparities and support adolescents’ mental health as they come of age in an increasingly digital and connected world.
. Adolescents are early and enthusiastic adopters of digital technologies and are increasingly spending their time connecting to the online world and to each other through their devices. This constant connectivity has led to concerns that time spent online may be negatively impacting adolescents’ mental health and wellbeing.
. We synthesized recent findings across meta-analytic studies and narrative reviews, large-scale and preregistered cohort studies, and intensive assessment studies tracking digital technology use and mental health across time.
. Most research to date has been correlational, cross-sectional, mixed in terms of the directionality, and have resulted in small associations which leave no way of separating cause from effect.
. We recommend that future research use experimental and quasi-experimental methods and focus on online experiences versus screen time as well as heterogeneity in effects across diverse populations of youth. Knowledge generated from this research should allow researchers and practitioners to leverage online tools to reduce offline disparities and support adolescents’ mental health as they come of age in an increasingly digital and connected world.
Saturday, January 18, 2020
From 2011... False-Positive Psychology: Undisclosed Flexibility in Data Collection and Analysis Allows Presenting Anything as Significant
From 2011... False-Positive Psychology: Undisclosed Flexibility in Data Collection and Analysis Allows Presenting Anything as Significant. Joseph P. Simmons, Leif D. Nelson, Uri Simonsohn. Psychological Science, October, 2011. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797611417632
Abstract: In this article, we accomplish two things. First, we show that despite empirical psychologists’ nominal endorsement of a low rate of false-positive findings (≤ .05), flexibility in data collection, analysis, and reporting dramatically increases actual false-positive rates. In many cases, a researcher is more likely to falsely find evidence that an effect exists than to correctly find evidence that it does not. We present computer simulations and a pair of actual experiments that demonstrate how unacceptably easy it is to accumulate (and report) statistically significant evidence for a false hypothesis. Second, we suggest a simple, low-cost, and straightforwardly effective disclosure-based solution to this problem. The solution involves six concrete requirements for authors and four guidelines for reviewers, all of which impose a minimal burden on the publication process.
Keywords: methodology, motivated reasoning, publication, disclosure
---
In this article, we show that despite the nominal endorsement of a maximum false-positive rate of 5% (i.e., p ≤ .05), current standards for disclosing details of data collection and analyses make false positives vastly more likely. In fact, it is unacceptably easy to publish “statistically significant” evidence consistent with any hypothesis.
The culprit is a construct we refer to as researcher degrees of freedom. In the course of collecting and analyzing data, researchers have many decisions to make: Should more data be collected? Should some observations be excluded? Which conditions should be combined and which ones compared? Which control variables should be considered? Should specific measures be combined or transformed or both?
It is rare, and sometimes impractical, for researchers to make all these decisions beforehand. Rather, it is common (and accepted practice) for researchers to explore various analytic alternatives, to search for a combination that yields “statistical significance,” and to then report only what “worked.” The problem, of course, is that the likelihood of at least one (of many) analyses producing a falsely positive finding at the 5% level is necessarily greater than 5%.
This exploratory behavior is not the by-product of malicious intent, but rather the result of two factors: (a) ambiguity in how best to make these decisions and (b) the researcher’s desire to find a statistically significant result. A large literature documents that people are self-serving in their interpretation of ambiguous information and remarkably adept at reaching justifiable conclusions that mesh with their desires (Babcock & Loewenstein, 1997; Dawson, Gilovich, & Regan, 2002; Gilovich, 1983; Hastorf & Cantril, 1954; Kunda, 1990; Zuckerman, 1979). This literature suggests that when we as researchers face ambiguous analytic decisions, we will tend to conclude, with convincing self-justification, that the appropriate decisions are those that result in statistical significance (p ≤ .05).
Ambiguity is rampant in empirical research. As an example, consider a very simple decision faced by researchers analyzing reaction times: how to treat outliers. In a perusal of roughly 30 Psychological Science articles, we discovered considerable inconsistency in, and hence considerable ambiguity about, this decision. Most (but not all) researchers excluded some responses for being too fast, but what constituted “too fast” varied enormously: the fastest 2.5%, or faster than 2 standard deviations from the mean, or faster than 100 or 150 or 200 or 300 ms. Similarly, what constituted “too slow” varied enormously: the slowest 2.5% or 10%, or 2 or 2.5 or 3 standard deviations slower than the mean, or 1.5 standard deviations slower from that condition’s mean, or slower than 1,000 or 1,200 or 1,500 or 2,000 or 3,000 or 5,000 ms. None of these decisions is necessarily incorrect, but that fact makes any of them justifiable and hence potential fodder for self-serving justifications.
Abstract: In this article, we accomplish two things. First, we show that despite empirical psychologists’ nominal endorsement of a low rate of false-positive findings (≤ .05), flexibility in data collection, analysis, and reporting dramatically increases actual false-positive rates. In many cases, a researcher is more likely to falsely find evidence that an effect exists than to correctly find evidence that it does not. We present computer simulations and a pair of actual experiments that demonstrate how unacceptably easy it is to accumulate (and report) statistically significant evidence for a false hypothesis. Second, we suggest a simple, low-cost, and straightforwardly effective disclosure-based solution to this problem. The solution involves six concrete requirements for authors and four guidelines for reviewers, all of which impose a minimal burden on the publication process.
Keywords: methodology, motivated reasoning, publication, disclosure
---
In this article, we show that despite the nominal endorsement of a maximum false-positive rate of 5% (i.e., p ≤ .05), current standards for disclosing details of data collection and analyses make false positives vastly more likely. In fact, it is unacceptably easy to publish “statistically significant” evidence consistent with any hypothesis.
The culprit is a construct we refer to as researcher degrees of freedom. In the course of collecting and analyzing data, researchers have many decisions to make: Should more data be collected? Should some observations be excluded? Which conditions should be combined and which ones compared? Which control variables should be considered? Should specific measures be combined or transformed or both?
It is rare, and sometimes impractical, for researchers to make all these decisions beforehand. Rather, it is common (and accepted practice) for researchers to explore various analytic alternatives, to search for a combination that yields “statistical significance,” and to then report only what “worked.” The problem, of course, is that the likelihood of at least one (of many) analyses producing a falsely positive finding at the 5% level is necessarily greater than 5%.
This exploratory behavior is not the by-product of malicious intent, but rather the result of two factors: (a) ambiguity in how best to make these decisions and (b) the researcher’s desire to find a statistically significant result. A large literature documents that people are self-serving in their interpretation of ambiguous information and remarkably adept at reaching justifiable conclusions that mesh with their desires (Babcock & Loewenstein, 1997; Dawson, Gilovich, & Regan, 2002; Gilovich, 1983; Hastorf & Cantril, 1954; Kunda, 1990; Zuckerman, 1979). This literature suggests that when we as researchers face ambiguous analytic decisions, we will tend to conclude, with convincing self-justification, that the appropriate decisions are those that result in statistical significance (p ≤ .05).
Ambiguity is rampant in empirical research. As an example, consider a very simple decision faced by researchers analyzing reaction times: how to treat outliers. In a perusal of roughly 30 Psychological Science articles, we discovered considerable inconsistency in, and hence considerable ambiguity about, this decision. Most (but not all) researchers excluded some responses for being too fast, but what constituted “too fast” varied enormously: the fastest 2.5%, or faster than 2 standard deviations from the mean, or faster than 100 or 150 or 200 or 300 ms. Similarly, what constituted “too slow” varied enormously: the slowest 2.5% or 10%, or 2 or 2.5 or 3 standard deviations slower than the mean, or 1.5 standard deviations slower from that condition’s mean, or slower than 1,000 or 1,200 or 1,500 or 2,000 or 3,000 or 5,000 ms. None of these decisions is necessarily incorrect, but that fact makes any of them justifiable and hence potential fodder for self-serving justifications.
From 2015... Estimating the reproducibility of psychological science: Innovation points out paths that are possible; replication points out paths that are likely; progress relies on both
From 2015... Estimating the reproducibility of psychological science. "Open Science Collaboration." Science, Vol. 349, Issue 6251, aac4716. Aug 28 2015, http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aac4716
Empirically analyzing empirical evidence: One of the central goals in any scientific endeavor is to understand causality. Experiments that seek to demonstrate a cause/effect relation most often manipulate the postulated causal factor. Aarts et al. describe the replication of 100 experiments reported in papers published in 2008 in three high-ranking psychology journals. Assessing whether the replication and the original experiment yielded the same result according to several criteria, they find that about one-third to one-half of the original findings were also observed in the replication study.
Structured Abstract
INTRODUCTION Reproducibility is a defining feature of science, but the extent to which it characterizes current research is unknown. Scientific claims should not gain credence because of the status or authority of their originator but by the replicability of their supporting evidence. Even research of exemplary quality may have irreproducible empirical findings because of random or systematic error.
RATIONALE There is concern about the rate and predictors of reproducibility, but limited evidence. Potentially problematic practices include selective reporting, selective analysis, and insufficient specification of the conditions necessary or sufficient to obtain the results. Direct replication is the attempt to recreate the conditions believed sufficient for obtaining a previously observed finding and is the means of establishing reproducibility of a finding with new data. We conducted a large-scale, collaborative effort to obtain an initial estimate of the reproducibility of psychological science.
RESULTS We conducted replications of 100 experimental and correlational studies published in three psychology journals using high-powered designs and original materials when available. There is no single standard for evaluating replication success. Here, we evaluated reproducibility using significance and P values, effect sizes, subjective assessments of replication teams, and meta-analysis of effect sizes. The mean effect size (r) of the replication effects (Mr = 0.197, SD = 0.257) was half the magnitude of the mean effect size of the original effects (Mr = 0.403, SD = 0.188), representing a substantial decline. Ninety-seven percent of original studies had significant results (P < .05). Thirty-six percent of replications had significant results; 47% of original effect sizes were in the 95% confidence interval of the replication effect size; 39% of effects were subjectively rated to have replicated the original result; and if no bias in original results is assumed, combining original and replication results left 68% with statistically significant effects. Correlational tests suggest that replication success was better predicted by the strength of original evidence than by characteristics of the original and replication teams.
CONCLUSION No single indicator sufficiently describes replication success, and the five indicators examined here are not the only ways to evaluate reproducibility. Nonetheless, collectively these results offer a clear conclusion: A large portion of replications produced weaker evidence for the original findings despite using materials provided by the original authors, review in advance for methodological fidelity, and high statistical power to detect the original effect sizes. Moreover, correlational evidence is consistent with the conclusion that variation in the strength of initial evidence (such as original P value) was more predictive of replication success than variation in the characteristics of the teams conducting the research (such as experience and expertise). The latter factors certainly can influence replication success, but they did not appear to do so here.
Reproducibility is not well understood because the incentives for individual scientists prioritize novelty over replication. Innovation is the engine of discovery and is vital for a productive, effective scientific enterprise. However, innovative ideas become old news fast. Journal reviewers and editors may dismiss a new test of a published idea as unoriginal. The claim that “we already know this” belies the uncertainty of scientific evidence. Innovation points out paths that are possible; replication points out paths that are likely; progress relies on both. Replication can increase certainty when findings are reproduced and promote innovation when they are not. This project provides accumulating evidence for many findings in psychological research and suggests that there is still more work to do to verify whether we know what we think we know.
Why not release honest statements for research fields that are messy, inconsistent, have systematic methodological weaknesses or that may be outright unreproducible? https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2019/02/why-not-release-honest-statements-for.html
Copenhaver, A. & Ferguson, C.J. (in press). Selling violent video game solutions: A look inside the APA’s internal notes leading to the creation of the APA’s 2005 resolution on violence in video games and interactive media. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry.
Ferguson, C.J. (2015). ‘Everybody knows psychology is not a real science’: Public perceptions of psychology and how we can improve our relationship with policymakers, the scientific community, and the general public. American Psychologist, 70, 527–542.
Fiske, S. (2016). Mob rule or wisdom of crowds [Draft of article for APS Observer]. Available at http://datacolada.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Fiske-presidential-guest-column_APS-Observer_copy-edited.pdf
Gilbert, D.T., King, G., Pettigrew, S. & Wilson, T.D. (2016). Comment on ‘Estimating the reproducibility of psychological science’. Science, 351(6277), 1037.
Nosek, B.A., Ebersole, C.R., DeHaven, A.C. & Mellor, D.T. (2018). The preregistration revolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 115(11), 2600–2606.
Nelson, L.D., Simmons, J. & Simonsohn, U. (2018). Psychology’s renaissance. Annual Review of Psychology, 69, 511–534.
Simmons, J.P., Nelson, L.D. & Simonsohn, U. (2011). False-positive psychology: Undisclosed flexibility in data collection and analysis allows presenting anything as significant. Psychological Science, 22(11), 1359–1366. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/01/from-2011-false-positive-psychology.html
Weir, K. (2014). Translating psychological science. APA Monitor, 45(9), 32. Available at www.apa.org/monitor/2014/10/translating-science.aspx
Empirically analyzing empirical evidence: One of the central goals in any scientific endeavor is to understand causality. Experiments that seek to demonstrate a cause/effect relation most often manipulate the postulated causal factor. Aarts et al. describe the replication of 100 experiments reported in papers published in 2008 in three high-ranking psychology journals. Assessing whether the replication and the original experiment yielded the same result according to several criteria, they find that about one-third to one-half of the original findings were also observed in the replication study.
Structured Abstract
INTRODUCTION Reproducibility is a defining feature of science, but the extent to which it characterizes current research is unknown. Scientific claims should not gain credence because of the status or authority of their originator but by the replicability of their supporting evidence. Even research of exemplary quality may have irreproducible empirical findings because of random or systematic error.
RATIONALE There is concern about the rate and predictors of reproducibility, but limited evidence. Potentially problematic practices include selective reporting, selective analysis, and insufficient specification of the conditions necessary or sufficient to obtain the results. Direct replication is the attempt to recreate the conditions believed sufficient for obtaining a previously observed finding and is the means of establishing reproducibility of a finding with new data. We conducted a large-scale, collaborative effort to obtain an initial estimate of the reproducibility of psychological science.
RESULTS We conducted replications of 100 experimental and correlational studies published in three psychology journals using high-powered designs and original materials when available. There is no single standard for evaluating replication success. Here, we evaluated reproducibility using significance and P values, effect sizes, subjective assessments of replication teams, and meta-analysis of effect sizes. The mean effect size (r) of the replication effects (Mr = 0.197, SD = 0.257) was half the magnitude of the mean effect size of the original effects (Mr = 0.403, SD = 0.188), representing a substantial decline. Ninety-seven percent of original studies had significant results (P < .05). Thirty-six percent of replications had significant results; 47% of original effect sizes were in the 95% confidence interval of the replication effect size; 39% of effects were subjectively rated to have replicated the original result; and if no bias in original results is assumed, combining original and replication results left 68% with statistically significant effects. Correlational tests suggest that replication success was better predicted by the strength of original evidence than by characteristics of the original and replication teams.
CONCLUSION No single indicator sufficiently describes replication success, and the five indicators examined here are not the only ways to evaluate reproducibility. Nonetheless, collectively these results offer a clear conclusion: A large portion of replications produced weaker evidence for the original findings despite using materials provided by the original authors, review in advance for methodological fidelity, and high statistical power to detect the original effect sizes. Moreover, correlational evidence is consistent with the conclusion that variation in the strength of initial evidence (such as original P value) was more predictive of replication success than variation in the characteristics of the teams conducting the research (such as experience and expertise). The latter factors certainly can influence replication success, but they did not appear to do so here.
Reproducibility is not well understood because the incentives for individual scientists prioritize novelty over replication. Innovation is the engine of discovery and is vital for a productive, effective scientific enterprise. However, innovative ideas become old news fast. Journal reviewers and editors may dismiss a new test of a published idea as unoriginal. The claim that “we already know this” belies the uncertainty of scientific evidence. Innovation points out paths that are possible; replication points out paths that are likely; progress relies on both. Replication can increase certainty when findings are reproduced and promote innovation when they are not. This project provides accumulating evidence for many findings in psychological research and suggests that there is still more work to do to verify whether we know what we think we know.
Why not release honest statements for research fields that are messy, inconsistent, have systematic methodological weaknesses or that may be outright unreproducible? https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2019/02/why-not-release-honest-statements-for.html
Copenhaver, A. & Ferguson, C.J. (in press). Selling violent video game solutions: A look inside the APA’s internal notes leading to the creation of the APA’s 2005 resolution on violence in video games and interactive media. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry.
Ferguson, C.J. (2015). ‘Everybody knows psychology is not a real science’: Public perceptions of psychology and how we can improve our relationship with policymakers, the scientific community, and the general public. American Psychologist, 70, 527–542.
Fiske, S. (2016). Mob rule or wisdom of crowds [Draft of article for APS Observer]. Available at http://datacolada.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Fiske-presidential-guest-column_APS-Observer_copy-edited.pdf
Gilbert, D.T., King, G., Pettigrew, S. & Wilson, T.D. (2016). Comment on ‘Estimating the reproducibility of psychological science’. Science, 351(6277), 1037.
Nosek, B.A., Ebersole, C.R., DeHaven, A.C. & Mellor, D.T. (2018). The preregistration revolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 115(11), 2600–2606.
Nelson, L.D., Simmons, J. & Simonsohn, U. (2018). Psychology’s renaissance. Annual Review of Psychology, 69, 511–534.
Simmons, J.P., Nelson, L.D. & Simonsohn, U. (2011). False-positive psychology: Undisclosed flexibility in data collection and analysis allows presenting anything as significant. Psychological Science, 22(11), 1359–1366. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/01/from-2011-false-positive-psychology.html
Weir, K. (2014). Translating psychological science. APA Monitor, 45(9), 32. Available at www.apa.org/monitor/2014/10/translating-science.aspx
The Effects of Militarized Interstate Disputes on Incumbent Voting Across Genders
The Effects of Militarized Interstate Disputes on Incumbent Voting Across Genders. Shane P. Singh, Jaroslav Tir. Political Behavior, December 2019, Volume 41, Issue 4, pp 975–999. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-018-9479-z
Abstract: Gender and politics research argues that men are more hawkish and supportive of militarized confrontations with foreign foes, while women ostensibly prefer more diplomatic approaches. This suggests that, after a militarized confrontation with a foreign power, women’s likelihood of voting for the incumbent will both decrease and be lower than that of men. Our individual-level, cross-national examinations cover 87 elections in 40 countries, 1996–2011, and show only some support for such notions. Women punish incumbents when their country is targeted in a low-hostility militarized interstate dispute (MID) or when their country is the initiator of a high-hostility MID. The low-hostility MID initiation and high-hostility MID targeting scenarios, meanwhile, prompt women to be more likely to vote for the incumbent. Importantly, men’s reactions rarely differ from women’s, casting doubt on the existence of a gender gap in electoral responses to international conflict.
Keywords: Voting behavior Gender Conflict Diversion Rally
Replication code and data for this paper are available in the Political Behavior Dataverse at: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/O9UVFU
Abstract: Gender and politics research argues that men are more hawkish and supportive of militarized confrontations with foreign foes, while women ostensibly prefer more diplomatic approaches. This suggests that, after a militarized confrontation with a foreign power, women’s likelihood of voting for the incumbent will both decrease and be lower than that of men. Our individual-level, cross-national examinations cover 87 elections in 40 countries, 1996–2011, and show only some support for such notions. Women punish incumbents when their country is targeted in a low-hostility militarized interstate dispute (MID) or when their country is the initiator of a high-hostility MID. The low-hostility MID initiation and high-hostility MID targeting scenarios, meanwhile, prompt women to be more likely to vote for the incumbent. Importantly, men’s reactions rarely differ from women’s, casting doubt on the existence of a gender gap in electoral responses to international conflict.
Keywords: Voting behavior Gender Conflict Diversion Rally
Replication code and data for this paper are available in the Political Behavior Dataverse at: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/O9UVFU
Young adults who expect to do worse than their parents in the future are indeed more likely to locate themselves at the extreme ends of the ideological scale, and most of them are in the Left
Extreme Pessimists? Expected Socioeconomic Downward Mobility and the Political Attitudes of Young Adults. Elena Cristina Mitrea, Monika Mühlböck, Julia Warmuth. Political Behavior, January 18 2020. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-020-09593-7
Abstract: In recent decades, and especially since the economic crisis, young people have been finding it more difficult to maintain or exceed the living standards of their parents. As a result, they increasingly expect socioeconomic downward mobility. We study the influence of such a pessimistic view on political attitudes, assuming that it is not so much young adults’ current economic status, but rather their anxiety concerning a prospective socioeconomic decline that affects their ideological positions. Drawing on data from a survey among young adults aged 18–35 in eleven European countries, we explore to what extent expected intergenerational downward mobility correlates with right-wing and left-wing self-placement. We find that young adults who expect to do worse than their parents in the future are indeed more likely to locate themselves at the extreme ends of the ideological scale.
Keywords: Socioeconomic mobility Intergenerational European Political attitudes Left–right self-placement
Abstract: In recent decades, and especially since the economic crisis, young people have been finding it more difficult to maintain or exceed the living standards of their parents. As a result, they increasingly expect socioeconomic downward mobility. We study the influence of such a pessimistic view on political attitudes, assuming that it is not so much young adults’ current economic status, but rather their anxiety concerning a prospective socioeconomic decline that affects their ideological positions. Drawing on data from a survey among young adults aged 18–35 in eleven European countries, we explore to what extent expected intergenerational downward mobility correlates with right-wing and left-wing self-placement. We find that young adults who expect to do worse than their parents in the future are indeed more likely to locate themselves at the extreme ends of the ideological scale.
Keywords: Socioeconomic mobility Intergenerational European Political attitudes Left–right self-placement
A Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Analysis: Current tests find no effect of light and moderate alcohol drinking in cognitive performance (memory, planning, & reasoning)
Alcohol Consumption, Drinking Patterns, and Cognitive Performance in Young Adults: A Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Analysis. Henk Hendriks et al. Nutrients 2020, 12(1), 200. January 13 2020. https://doi.org/10.3390/nu12010200
Abstract: Long-term alcohol abuse is associated with poorer cognitive performance. However, the associations between light and moderate drinking and cognitive performance are less clear. We assessed this association via cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses in a sample of 702 Dutch students. At baseline, alcohol consumption was assessed using questionnaires and ecological momentary assessment (EMA) across four weeks (‘Wave 1’). Subsequently, cognitive performance, including memory, planning, and reasoning, was assessed at home using six standard cognition tests presented through an online platform. A year later, 436 students completed the four weeks of EMA and online cognitive testing (‘Wave 2’). In both waves, there was no association between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance. Further, alcohol consumption during Wave 1 was not related to cognitive performance at Wave 2. In addition, EMA-data-based drinking patterns, which varied widely between persons but were relatively consistent over time within persons, were also not associated with cognitive performance. Post-hoc analyses of cognitive performance revealed higher within-person variance scores (from Wave 1 to Wave 2) than between-person variance scores (both Wave 1 and Wave 2). In conclusion, no association was observed between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance in a large Dutch student sample. However, the online cognitive tests performed at home may not have been sensitive enough to pick up differences in cognitive performance associated with alcohol consumption.
Keywords: young adult; alcohol consumption; cognitive performance
Abstract: Long-term alcohol abuse is associated with poorer cognitive performance. However, the associations between light and moderate drinking and cognitive performance are less clear. We assessed this association via cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses in a sample of 702 Dutch students. At baseline, alcohol consumption was assessed using questionnaires and ecological momentary assessment (EMA) across four weeks (‘Wave 1’). Subsequently, cognitive performance, including memory, planning, and reasoning, was assessed at home using six standard cognition tests presented through an online platform. A year later, 436 students completed the four weeks of EMA and online cognitive testing (‘Wave 2’). In both waves, there was no association between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance. Further, alcohol consumption during Wave 1 was not related to cognitive performance at Wave 2. In addition, EMA-data-based drinking patterns, which varied widely between persons but were relatively consistent over time within persons, were also not associated with cognitive performance. Post-hoc analyses of cognitive performance revealed higher within-person variance scores (from Wave 1 to Wave 2) than between-person variance scores (both Wave 1 and Wave 2). In conclusion, no association was observed between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance in a large Dutch student sample. However, the online cognitive tests performed at home may not have been sensitive enough to pick up differences in cognitive performance associated with alcohol consumption.
Keywords: young adult; alcohol consumption; cognitive performance
4. Discussion
We hypothesized that light to moderate drinkers would obtain similar cognitive task scores as
compared to abstainers, whereas heavy drinkers would obtain lower cognitive task scores. While the
first part of our hypothesis was retained, we did not find lower cognitive task scores for heavy drinkers.
In this study, we did not find any consistent association between alcohol consumption and cognitive
performance in a large population-based sample of young Dutch adults. This observation was made
both cross-sectionally as well as longitudinally after a one-year follow-up. These null findings were
observed for both the average amount of alcohol consumed as well as for the various drinking patterns.
However, the results of this study should be interpreted with caution, because the null findings of this
study have to be viewed in light of the high variance of the cognition scores.
The strengths of this study are the use of a large and homogeneous group of young adults: all
students of similar age and similar level of education. This is relevant because cognitive performance
largely depends on age and educational level. The group, however, spanned a large range of alcohol
consumption and included various drinking patterns. Both the cross-sectional and longitudinal
analysis used validated and well-recognized cognition tests. We selected these cognitive tests, since we
considered them to provide a somewhat better indicator for day-to-day functioning and brain health
as compared to functional MRI images showing changing patterns of blood circulation [14,15].
EMA may be a suitable methodology for alcohol consumption evaluation. EMA encompasses
the brief but intensive repeated assessment of people’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors in their
real-world settings. The ecological validity of EMA data is considered high [19]. EMA reduces
retrospective bias when assessing alcohol consumption, as suggested by higher consumptions as
compared to consumptions recorded by regular questionnaire. EMA also has a low cognitive bias
due to direct retrieval [33]. Furthermore, the repetitive data collection allowed the study of drinking
patterns in addition to commonly reported average consumption levels. This is relevant since
alcohol-drinking pattern may be an important determinant for the harmful effects of drinking, such as
binge drinking [11,12,20].
Population surveys using questionnaires typically report underestimates of alcohol consumption
of approximately 40–50%. Researchers adjust alcohol survey data to weight estimates such that
they match alcohol sales or alcohol tax data. The current study suggests that underestimation of
alcohol consumption in this population exists, but to a lesser extent than assumed in population
surveys. EMA has been recognized as an alternative for assessing alcohol consumption in the natural
environment [34].
Previous studies found inconsistent results on the relation between alcohol consumption and
cognitive performance. The majority of studies indicate that long-term heavy drinking has strong
negative associations with diseases of the brain such as dementia [35]. Many short-term studies
indicate cognitive impairment in heavy binge drinkers as compared to nondrinking controls [8–13].
The outcome of comparing two groups differing in drinking habits, however, may depend on the
selection criteria and may potentially be hampered by confounding. Excessive heavy drinking is
usually accompanied by impulsive behaviors, risk-seeking behavior [36], and other traits [16] that may
confound the association between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance. Some authors
suggest that impaired cognitive performance may partly predict excessive alcohol consumption,
whereas excessive alcohol consumption does not always predict impaired cognitive functioning [37].
Contrary to the differences in cognitive performance between heavy binge-drinkers and
nonbinge-drinking controls, long-term moderate drinking has been associated with a reduced risk
of dementia and a reduced risk of cognitive decline. Reviews of prospective studies showed that
moderately drinking elderly have a decreased risk of dementia and cognitive decline [38,39]. Thus,
after a very long follow-up, moderately drinking persons may be expected to show a less severe decline
in cognitive performance as compared to those that drink excessively and abstainers. This suggests
that there may be a J-shaped association between alcohol consumption and dementia and cognition, as
has been described for cardiovascular diseases [40]. The risk reduction for dementia and age-related
cognitive decline observed in the elderly may occur through a mechanism related to cardiovascular
disease risk factors, whereas the cognitive impairment observed in young binge-drinking adults may
occur through a mechanism related to neurotoxicity.
Our results correspond with those reported previously by Boelema et al. [18]. The null findings
regarding the association between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance in that study were
interpreted as being methodological in nature; the tests used may not have been sensitive enough
to detect a potential cognitive performance reduction as a consequence of alcohol consumption. We
also used conventional standard tests that are routinely used for cognitive performance evaluations.
However, some aspects of our testing differed. Firstly, the tests were performed in an ‘at home situation’
as opposed to ‘at a testing facility’, which may have affected the results in various ways. For some
individuals, performing cognitive tests in an environment that they are familiar with may positively
influence performance. For others, the at home environment may have provided more distraction, or
the lack of experimental control and the fact that no experimenter was present may have reduced focus
and motivation, negatively affecting performance. All these factors may have affected test results and
might explain the high within-person variability. Secondly, cognitive tests employed in the present
study did not allow evaluation of aspects like reaction time, which may have contributed to a less
complete test result.
The cognition tests did seem to detect differences, since small significant differences were observed
for education level. It is important, however, to extend these studies to enable detection of small
differences in cognitive performance that may be induced by light and moderate alcohol drinking.
Significant differences in cognition tests may be detected by decreasing the variability in the cognition
test outcomes.
Although the study was set up with a group of students to obtain a high degree of homogeneity,
this also has its limitations. The results obtained in this group cannot be generalized to the general
population nor to specific other groups like persons with a low socioeconomic status. Specific groups
may respond differently to alcohol consumption and may have more difficulty in adapting their
drinking pattern whenever needed. In general, it has been extensively described that adolescents are
less sensitive to the negative effects of alcohol, including cues that influence self-regulation of intake,
but are more sensitive to positive effects, which may serve to reinforce or promote excessive intake [41].
This response to alcohol may promote the development of alcohol use disorders, a development
university students may be less vulnerable to as compared to other groups of adolescents [7].
Our study design, however, had several limitations that warrant consideration. The null findings
of this study have to be viewed in light of the high variance of the cognition scores. Whereas in
the ‘real-life’ study, the within-person variability was higher than the between-person variability, in
the laboratory study, the within-person variability was lower than the between-person variability.
This suggests that the use of cognition tests in a ‘real-life’ setting may not have been suitable or
sufficiently sensitive to detect a possible reduction in cognitive performance in association with alcohol
consumption. Some of the tasks were, however, sensitive to education level, as university students
outperformed polytechnic students, which would be expected as the former is a higher level of
education. Furthermore, it is expected that the cognition tests used in this study might have been
adequate to detect (possible) small differences in cognitive performance when used in a laboratory
setting, provided a sufficiently large participants population.
In the present study, follow-up time was only one year. It would have been interesting to show
in the same cohort that students who keep on drinking in a hazardous way will show cognitive
impairment after many years. Boelema et al. [18], however, did report on cognitive performance after
a four-year follow-up yet did not find indications for cognitive impairment in adolescent drinkers,
including heavy drinkers.
In conclusion, it is important to build on this study by reducing variance in online cognitive
testing or by testing in a laboratory setting to better assess the association between light and moderate
alcohol drinking and cognitive performance. In the present study, variance in cognitive performance
was too large to detect an association, if any, between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance.
Future studies should carefully consider both the context in which cognition is assessed as well as the
type of tasks that are used.
We hypothesized that light to moderate drinkers would obtain similar cognitive task scores as
compared to abstainers, whereas heavy drinkers would obtain lower cognitive task scores. While the
first part of our hypothesis was retained, we did not find lower cognitive task scores for heavy drinkers.
In this study, we did not find any consistent association between alcohol consumption and cognitive
performance in a large population-based sample of young Dutch adults. This observation was made
both cross-sectionally as well as longitudinally after a one-year follow-up. These null findings were
observed for both the average amount of alcohol consumed as well as for the various drinking patterns.
However, the results of this study should be interpreted with caution, because the null findings of this
study have to be viewed in light of the high variance of the cognition scores.
The strengths of this study are the use of a large and homogeneous group of young adults: all
students of similar age and similar level of education. This is relevant because cognitive performance
largely depends on age and educational level. The group, however, spanned a large range of alcohol
consumption and included various drinking patterns. Both the cross-sectional and longitudinal
analysis used validated and well-recognized cognition tests. We selected these cognitive tests, since we
considered them to provide a somewhat better indicator for day-to-day functioning and brain health
as compared to functional MRI images showing changing patterns of blood circulation [14,15].
EMA may be a suitable methodology for alcohol consumption evaluation. EMA encompasses
the brief but intensive repeated assessment of people’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors in their
real-world settings. The ecological validity of EMA data is considered high [19]. EMA reduces
retrospective bias when assessing alcohol consumption, as suggested by higher consumptions as
compared to consumptions recorded by regular questionnaire. EMA also has a low cognitive bias
due to direct retrieval [33]. Furthermore, the repetitive data collection allowed the study of drinking
patterns in addition to commonly reported average consumption levels. This is relevant since
alcohol-drinking pattern may be an important determinant for the harmful effects of drinking, such as
binge drinking [11,12,20].
Population surveys using questionnaires typically report underestimates of alcohol consumption
of approximately 40–50%. Researchers adjust alcohol survey data to weight estimates such that
they match alcohol sales or alcohol tax data. The current study suggests that underestimation of
alcohol consumption in this population exists, but to a lesser extent than assumed in population
surveys. EMA has been recognized as an alternative for assessing alcohol consumption in the natural
environment [34].
Previous studies found inconsistent results on the relation between alcohol consumption and
cognitive performance. The majority of studies indicate that long-term heavy drinking has strong
negative associations with diseases of the brain such as dementia [35]. Many short-term studies
indicate cognitive impairment in heavy binge drinkers as compared to nondrinking controls [8–13].
The outcome of comparing two groups differing in drinking habits, however, may depend on the
selection criteria and may potentially be hampered by confounding. Excessive heavy drinking is
usually accompanied by impulsive behaviors, risk-seeking behavior [36], and other traits [16] that may
confound the association between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance. Some authors
suggest that impaired cognitive performance may partly predict excessive alcohol consumption,
whereas excessive alcohol consumption does not always predict impaired cognitive functioning [37].
Contrary to the differences in cognitive performance between heavy binge-drinkers and
nonbinge-drinking controls, long-term moderate drinking has been associated with a reduced risk
of dementia and a reduced risk of cognitive decline. Reviews of prospective studies showed that
moderately drinking elderly have a decreased risk of dementia and cognitive decline [38,39]. Thus,
after a very long follow-up, moderately drinking persons may be expected to show a less severe decline
in cognitive performance as compared to those that drink excessively and abstainers. This suggests
that there may be a J-shaped association between alcohol consumption and dementia and cognition, as
has been described for cardiovascular diseases [40]. The risk reduction for dementia and age-related
cognitive decline observed in the elderly may occur through a mechanism related to cardiovascular
disease risk factors, whereas the cognitive impairment observed in young binge-drinking adults may
occur through a mechanism related to neurotoxicity.
Our results correspond with those reported previously by Boelema et al. [18]. The null findings
regarding the association between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance in that study were
interpreted as being methodological in nature; the tests used may not have been sensitive enough
to detect a potential cognitive performance reduction as a consequence of alcohol consumption. We
also used conventional standard tests that are routinely used for cognitive performance evaluations.
However, some aspects of our testing differed. Firstly, the tests were performed in an ‘at home situation’
as opposed to ‘at a testing facility’, which may have affected the results in various ways. For some
individuals, performing cognitive tests in an environment that they are familiar with may positively
influence performance. For others, the at home environment may have provided more distraction, or
the lack of experimental control and the fact that no experimenter was present may have reduced focus
and motivation, negatively affecting performance. All these factors may have affected test results and
might explain the high within-person variability. Secondly, cognitive tests employed in the present
study did not allow evaluation of aspects like reaction time, which may have contributed to a less
complete test result.
The cognition tests did seem to detect differences, since small significant differences were observed
for education level. It is important, however, to extend these studies to enable detection of small
differences in cognitive performance that may be induced by light and moderate alcohol drinking.
Significant differences in cognition tests may be detected by decreasing the variability in the cognition
test outcomes.
Although the study was set up with a group of students to obtain a high degree of homogeneity,
this also has its limitations. The results obtained in this group cannot be generalized to the general
population nor to specific other groups like persons with a low socioeconomic status. Specific groups
may respond differently to alcohol consumption and may have more difficulty in adapting their
drinking pattern whenever needed. In general, it has been extensively described that adolescents are
less sensitive to the negative effects of alcohol, including cues that influence self-regulation of intake,
but are more sensitive to positive effects, which may serve to reinforce or promote excessive intake [41].
This response to alcohol may promote the development of alcohol use disorders, a development
university students may be less vulnerable to as compared to other groups of adolescents [7].
Our study design, however, had several limitations that warrant consideration. The null findings
of this study have to be viewed in light of the high variance of the cognition scores. Whereas in
the ‘real-life’ study, the within-person variability was higher than the between-person variability, in
the laboratory study, the within-person variability was lower than the between-person variability.
This suggests that the use of cognition tests in a ‘real-life’ setting may not have been suitable or
sufficiently sensitive to detect a possible reduction in cognitive performance in association with alcohol
consumption. Some of the tasks were, however, sensitive to education level, as university students
outperformed polytechnic students, which would be expected as the former is a higher level of
education. Furthermore, it is expected that the cognition tests used in this study might have been
adequate to detect (possible) small differences in cognitive performance when used in a laboratory
setting, provided a sufficiently large participants population.
In the present study, follow-up time was only one year. It would have been interesting to show
in the same cohort that students who keep on drinking in a hazardous way will show cognitive
impairment after many years. Boelema et al. [18], however, did report on cognitive performance after
a four-year follow-up yet did not find indications for cognitive impairment in adolescent drinkers,
including heavy drinkers.
In conclusion, it is important to build on this study by reducing variance in online cognitive
testing or by testing in a laboratory setting to better assess the association between light and moderate
alcohol drinking and cognitive performance. In the present study, variance in cognitive performance
was too large to detect an association, if any, between alcohol consumption and cognitive performance.
Future studies should carefully consider both the context in which cognition is assessed as well as the
type of tasks that are used.
Body mass index is a highly heritable trait, but heritability estimates of BMI are lower in childhood because of the influence of shared environmental factors, in old-age because of unique environmental factors
Obesity and eating behavior from the perspective of twin and genetic research. Karri Silventoinen, Hanna Konttinen. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, Volume 109, February 2020, Pages 150-165. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2019.12.012
Highlights
• Body mass index (BMI, kg/m2) is a highly heritable and polygenic trait.
• Heritability increases after early childhood and is highest in early adulthood.
• Obesogenic micro- and macro-environments reinforce genetic variation.
• Candidate genes of BMI express in brain tissue, suggesting the importance of behavior.
• Emerging evidence suggests that genes can affect BMI through eating behavior traits.
Abstract: Obesity has dramatically increased during the last decades and is currently one of the most serious global health problems. We present a hypothesis that obesity is a neuro-behavioral disease having a strong genetic background mediated largely by eating behavior and is sensitive to the macro-environment; we study this hypothesis from the perspective of genetic research. Genetic family and genome-wide-association studies have shown well that body mass index (BMI, kg/m2) is a highly heritable and polygenic trait. New genetic variation of BMI emerges after early childhood. Candidate genes of BMI notably express in brain tissue, supporting that this new variation is related to behavior. Obesogenic environments at both childhood family and societal levels reinforce the genetic susceptibility to obesity. Genetic factors have a clear influence on macro-nutrient intake and appetite-related eating behavior traits. Results on the gene-by-diet interactions in obesity are mixed, but emerging evidence suggests that eating behavior traits partly mediate the effect of genes on BMI. However, more rigorous prospective study designs controlling for measurement bias are still needed.
Keywords: TwinsGeneticsObesityBMIEating behavior
Highlights
• Body mass index (BMI, kg/m2) is a highly heritable and polygenic trait.
• Heritability increases after early childhood and is highest in early adulthood.
• Obesogenic micro- and macro-environments reinforce genetic variation.
• Candidate genes of BMI express in brain tissue, suggesting the importance of behavior.
• Emerging evidence suggests that genes can affect BMI through eating behavior traits.
Abstract: Obesity has dramatically increased during the last decades and is currently one of the most serious global health problems. We present a hypothesis that obesity is a neuro-behavioral disease having a strong genetic background mediated largely by eating behavior and is sensitive to the macro-environment; we study this hypothesis from the perspective of genetic research. Genetic family and genome-wide-association studies have shown well that body mass index (BMI, kg/m2) is a highly heritable and polygenic trait. New genetic variation of BMI emerges after early childhood. Candidate genes of BMI notably express in brain tissue, supporting that this new variation is related to behavior. Obesogenic environments at both childhood family and societal levels reinforce the genetic susceptibility to obesity. Genetic factors have a clear influence on macro-nutrient intake and appetite-related eating behavior traits. Results on the gene-by-diet interactions in obesity are mixed, but emerging evidence suggests that eating behavior traits partly mediate the effect of genes on BMI. However, more rigorous prospective study designs controlling for measurement bias are still needed.
Keywords: TwinsGeneticsObesityBMIEating behavior
7. Conclusions
A century of genetic family studies and a decade of GWA studies have dramatically increased our understanding on the genetic architecture of common obesity, eating behavior and their mutual associations. However, this increasing knowledge has also clearly demonstrated the challenges, especially when trying to understand the mechanisms of how genes affect BMI and other obesity indicators. BMI has been shown to be a highly heritable trait, but the heritability changes over the life course. The heritability estimates of BMI are lower in childhood and in old age as compared to early adulthood and middle-age. In childhood, the lower heritability is because of the influence of environmental factors shared by co-twins and in old-age because of environmental factors unique to each twin. The similar pattern of increasing influence of genetic factors and diminishing effect of the shared environment during late childhood and adolescence has been reported for many psychological traits, such as intelligence (Plomin and Deary, 2015), and probably reflects the changing dynamics of the interplay between genes and the environment. During adolescence, dependence on parents decreases, social networks widen, influence from peers become stronger and sensation-seeking increases (Ahmed et al., 2015; Kilford et al., 2016). This probably leads to the possibility to more freely create one’s own environment, including the environment influencing BMI, which is partly affected by genetically influenced preferences. There is a lot of evidence for this so-called active gene–environment correlation for psychiatric traits (Jaffee and Price, 2007), and genetic factors have been found to influence life events, also demonstrating the dependence of genes and environment (Kendler and Baker, 2007). However, for BMI the direct evidence on gene–environment correlations is still suggestive. Studies on the heritability of macro-nutrient intake and eating patterns suggest that shared environmental factors have effect on eating behavior in childhood and adolescence, and this influence disappears until adulthood. Twin and molecular genetic studies have shown that after early childhood new genetic variance emerges. It is very possible that this genetic variance is related to eating behavior when children can more independently regulate their own eating, but direct evidence is still lacking. There is some evidence that eating behaviors can modify the genetic effects of obesity, but most of these studies are based on cross-sectional data and the results are somewhat mixed. Thus, more studies on how the interplay between genes and the environment modifies the genetic architecture of BMI during the formative years of childhood and adolescence are still needed. The strong effect of genetic factors on BMI does not mean, however, that the family environment does not have effect on BMI. Adoption studies have clearly shown that the adoptive family also has an effect on BMI. A likely explanation for these results is that the family environment affects BMI by reinforcing the effect of genes affecting BMI. There is direct evidence on this based mainly on twin studies since both the micro-level environment (e.g., parental education) and the macro-level environment (measured as the level of obesity between countries and measurement years) affect the genetic variation of BMI. Thus, those children having a genetic susceptibility to obesity gain more weight in family environments or societies predisposing to obesity. These results underline the importance of community food environments, since they can suppress or reinforce the effects of genetic variants associated with obesity. There has been a lot of discussion on which specific community-level factors are behind the obesogenic environments, but there is no clear consensus (Kirk et al., 2009). The associations are also likely to be very complex, as found in a previous study demonstrating that the community food environment can modify how health counseling affects eating behavior (Lorts et al., 2019). There is a lack on studies whether the micro- and macro-environment can modify the genetic variation of macro-nutrient intake in a similar way as they affect the genetic variation of BMI. Thus, more research is needed to specify which community-level factors reinforce the genetic variation of BMI and analyze the role of eating behavior behind these associations. GWA studies have clearly shown that BMI is a highly polygenic trait and thus confirms the basic principle of genetic family studies. The mechanisms of how genes affect BMI are still poorly understood, but the expression of the candidate genes of BMI in the brain tissue suggests that they affect BMI through behavioral factors. There is also evidence based on both twin and GWA studies that genetic factors affect macronutrient intake and appetite-related eating behavior traits. However, to date, there is only limited direct evidence on the overlap of genes affecting BMI and eating behavior which would suggest that the genes affect BMI through eating behavior. Some studies have shown this mediation effect, but they can explain only a fraction of the association between genetic factors and BMI. This area is, however, very challenging because of the well-known difficulties to measure dietary intake and reliance on self-report scales to assess eating behavior traits. Some sex differences in the genetic architecture of obesity indicators were identified. In BMI the proportion of genetic variation was roughly similar in males and females from infancy to old age, but especially after puberty, somewhat different sets of genes started to affect BMI in males and females and this difference increased during adulthood. It is likely that this reflects differences in body composition since somewhat different sets of genes affect muscle and fat body tissues. Accordingly, the SNPs associated with WHR adjusted for BMI showed different effect sizes in males and females. Very little is still known on sex differences in the genetic architecture of eating behavior. Thus, it is too early to argue whether genetic factors affect obesity traits in males and females differently through eating behavior or whether the found differences reflect only endocrinological differences between the sexes. At the beginning of this review we presented the hypothesis: Obesity is a neuro-behavioral disease having a strong genetic background mediated largely by eating behavior and being sensitive to the macroenvironment. There is strong evidence for this hypothesis based on previous genetic research, but the evidence that the genes affect especially through eating behavior is still emerging and mainly indirect at the moment. More rigorous prospective study designs controlling the well-known biases of measuring food intake would be necessary to prove this part of the hypothesis or to show that other behavioral mechanisms are also important when explaining the effect of genes on BMI.
Friday, January 17, 2020
High-IT-adoption banks originated mortgages with better performance & did not offload low-quality loans; banks led by more “tech-oriented” managers experienced lower non-performing loans during the crisis
Tech in Fin before FinTech: Blessing or Curse for Financial Stability? Nicola Pierri; Yannick Timmer. IMF Working Paper No. 20/14, January 17, 2020. https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2020/01/17/Tech-in-Fin-before-FinTech-Blessing-or-Curse-for-Financial-Stability-48797
Summary: Motivated by the world-wide surge of FinTech lending, we analyze the implications of lenders’ information technology adoption for financial stability. We estimate bank-level intensity of IT adoption before the global financial crisis using a novel dataset that provides information on hardware used in US commercial bank branches after mapping them to their parent bank. We find that higher intensity of IT-adoption led to significantly lower non-performing loans when the crisis hit: banks with a one standard deviation higher IT-adoption experienced 10% lower non-performing loans. High-IT-adoption banks were not less exposed to the crisis through their geographical footprint, business model, funding sources, or other observable characteristics. Loan-level analysis indicates that high-IT-adoption banks originated mortgages with better performance and did not offload low-quality loans. We apply a simple text-analysis algorithm to the biographies of top executives and find that banks led by more “tech-oriented” managers adopted IT more intensively and experienced lower non-performing loans during the crisis. Our results suggest that technology adoption in lending can enhance financial stability through the production of more resilient loans.
Summary: Motivated by the world-wide surge of FinTech lending, we analyze the implications of lenders’ information technology adoption for financial stability. We estimate bank-level intensity of IT adoption before the global financial crisis using a novel dataset that provides information on hardware used in US commercial bank branches after mapping them to their parent bank. We find that higher intensity of IT-adoption led to significantly lower non-performing loans when the crisis hit: banks with a one standard deviation higher IT-adoption experienced 10% lower non-performing loans. High-IT-adoption banks were not less exposed to the crisis through their geographical footprint, business model, funding sources, or other observable characteristics. Loan-level analysis indicates that high-IT-adoption banks originated mortgages with better performance and did not offload low-quality loans. We apply a simple text-analysis algorithm to the biographies of top executives and find that banks led by more “tech-oriented” managers adopted IT more intensively and experienced lower non-performing loans during the crisis. Our results suggest that technology adoption in lending can enhance financial stability through the production of more resilient loans.
Victims, perpetrators, or both? The vicious cycle of disrespect and cynical beliefs about human nature
Stavrova, O., Ehlebracht, D., & Vohs, K. D. (2020). Victims, perpetrators, or both? The vicious cycle of disrespect and cynical beliefs about human nature. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. Jan 2020. https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0000738
Abstract: We tested how cynicism emerges and what maintains it. Cynicism is the tendency to believe that people are morally bankrupt and behave treacherously to maximize self-interest. Drawing on literatures on norms of respectful treatment, we proposed that being the target of disrespect gives rise to cynical views, which predisposes people to further disrespect. The end result is a vicious cycle: cynicism and disrespect fuel one another. Study 1’s nationally representative survey showed that disrespect and cynicism are positively related to each other in 28 of 29 countries studied, and that cynicism’s associations with disrespect were independent of (and stronger than) associations with lacking social support. Study 2 used a nationally representative longitudinal dataset, spanning 4 years. In line with the vicious cycle hypothesis, feeling disrespected and holding cynical views gave rise to each other over time. Five preregistered experiments (including 2 in the online supplemental materials) provided causal evidence. Study 3 showed that bringing to mind previous experiences of being disrespected heightened cynical beliefs subsequently. Studies 4 and 5 showed that to the extent that people endorsed cynical beliefs, others were inclined to treat them disrespectfully. Study 6’s weeklong daily diary study replicated the vicious cycle pattern. Everyday experiences of disrespect elevated cynical beliefs and vice versa. Moreover, cynical individuals tended to treat others with disrespect, which in turn predicted more disrespectful treatment by others. In short, experiencing disrespect gives rise to cynicism and cynicism elicits disrespect from others, thereby reinforcing the worldview that caused these negative reactions in the first place.
Abstract: We tested how cynicism emerges and what maintains it. Cynicism is the tendency to believe that people are morally bankrupt and behave treacherously to maximize self-interest. Drawing on literatures on norms of respectful treatment, we proposed that being the target of disrespect gives rise to cynical views, which predisposes people to further disrespect. The end result is a vicious cycle: cynicism and disrespect fuel one another. Study 1’s nationally representative survey showed that disrespect and cynicism are positively related to each other in 28 of 29 countries studied, and that cynicism’s associations with disrespect were independent of (and stronger than) associations with lacking social support. Study 2 used a nationally representative longitudinal dataset, spanning 4 years. In line with the vicious cycle hypothesis, feeling disrespected and holding cynical views gave rise to each other over time. Five preregistered experiments (including 2 in the online supplemental materials) provided causal evidence. Study 3 showed that bringing to mind previous experiences of being disrespected heightened cynical beliefs subsequently. Studies 4 and 5 showed that to the extent that people endorsed cynical beliefs, others were inclined to treat them disrespectfully. Study 6’s weeklong daily diary study replicated the vicious cycle pattern. Everyday experiences of disrespect elevated cynical beliefs and vice versa. Moreover, cynical individuals tended to treat others with disrespect, which in turn predicted more disrespectful treatment by others. In short, experiencing disrespect gives rise to cynicism and cynicism elicits disrespect from others, thereby reinforcing the worldview that caused these negative reactions in the first place.
Check also Competent individuals endorsed cynicism only if it was warranted in a given sociocultural environment; less competent individuals embraced cynicism unconditionally, maybe an adaptive default strategy to avoid the potential costs of falling prey to others’ cunning:
The Cynical Genius Illusion: Exploring and Debunking Lay Beliefs About Cynicism and Competence. Olga Stavrova, Daniel Ehlebracht. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Jul 2018. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2018/07/competent-individuals-endorsed-cynicism.html
Male individuals are more willing to forgive all forms of infidelity to a greater extent than female individuals; attachment insecurity moderated this relationship
Understanding Infidelity Forgiveness: An Application of Implicit Theories of Relationships. Ashley E. Thompson, Dallas Capesius, Danica Kulibert and Randi A. DoyleJournal of Relationships Research, Volume 112020, e2, Jan 17 2020. https://doi.org/10.1017/jrr.2019.21
Abstract: Two studies were conducted to identify variables associated with hypothetical infidelity forgiveness and promote forgiveness by manipulating implicit theories of relationships (ITRs; destiny/growth beliefs). Study 1 assessed the relationship between the type of behaviour, sex of the forgiver, ITRs and infidelity forgiveness. Study 2 investigated the causal relationship between ITRs and infidelity forgiveness (including attachment insecurity as a moderator). Results revealed that male participants forgave a partner's infidelity to a greater extent than female participants and that solitary behaviours were rated as most forgivable, followed by emotional/affectionate and technology/online behaviours, and sexual/explicit behaviours as least forgivable. Male participants (not female participants) induced to endorse growth beliefs forgave a partner's emotional/affectionate and solitary infidelity to a greater extent than those induced to endorse destiny beliefs; attachment insecurity moderated this relationship. These results have important implications for researchers and practitioners working with couples in distress.
Abstract: Two studies were conducted to identify variables associated with hypothetical infidelity forgiveness and promote forgiveness by manipulating implicit theories of relationships (ITRs; destiny/growth beliefs). Study 1 assessed the relationship between the type of behaviour, sex of the forgiver, ITRs and infidelity forgiveness. Study 2 investigated the causal relationship between ITRs and infidelity forgiveness (including attachment insecurity as a moderator). Results revealed that male participants forgave a partner's infidelity to a greater extent than female participants and that solitary behaviours were rated as most forgivable, followed by emotional/affectionate and technology/online behaviours, and sexual/explicit behaviours as least forgivable. Male participants (not female participants) induced to endorse growth beliefs forgave a partner's emotional/affectionate and solitary infidelity to a greater extent than those induced to endorse destiny beliefs; attachment insecurity moderated this relationship. These results have important implications for researchers and practitioners working with couples in distress.
Becoming sexy: Contrapposto pose increases attractiveness ratings and modulates observers’ brain activity
Becoming sexy: Contrapposto pose increases attractiveness ratings and modulates observers’ brain activity. Farid Pazhoohi et al. Biological Psychology, January 17 2020, 107842. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsycho.2020.107842
Highlights
• contrapposto pose is considered more attractive than neutral standing pose
• body posture modulates the visual information in early and late components
• middle temporal and angular gyri respond to body posture
Abstract: Previous neurophysiological studies have revealed the neural correlates of human body form perception, as well as those related to the perception of attractive body sizes. In the current study we aimed to extend the neurophysiological studies regarding body perception by investigating the perception of human body posture to provide insights into the cognitive mechanisms responsive to bodily form, and the processing of its attractiveness. To achieve these aims, we used the contrapposto posture which creates an exaggeration of low waist to hip ratio (WHR), an indicator of women's attractiveness. Electroencephalogram (EEG) signals were recorded while participants completed both (i) an oddball task presenting female body forms differing in pose (contrapposto vs. standing) and viewing angle (anterior vs. posterior), and (ii) a subsequent active attractiveness judgement task. Behavioral results showed that a contrapposto pose is considered more attractive than a neutral standing pose. Result at the neural level showed that body posture modulates the visual information processing in early ERP components, indicating attentional variations depending on human body posture; as well as in late components, indicating further differences in attention and attractiveness judgement of stimuli varying in body pose. Furthermore, the LORETA results identified the middle temporal gyrus as well as angular gyrus as the key brain regions activated in association with the perception and attractiveness judgment of females’ bodies with different body poses. Overall, the current paper suggests the evolutionary adaptive preference for lower WHRs as in the contrapposto pose activating brain regions associated with visual perception and attractiveness judgement.
Keywords: body postureattractivenesssupernormal stimuliEEGERP
Check also Men looking at women: The contrapposto pose was perceived as more attractive than the standing pose
Highlights
• contrapposto pose is considered more attractive than neutral standing pose
• body posture modulates the visual information in early and late components
• middle temporal and angular gyri respond to body posture
Abstract: Previous neurophysiological studies have revealed the neural correlates of human body form perception, as well as those related to the perception of attractive body sizes. In the current study we aimed to extend the neurophysiological studies regarding body perception by investigating the perception of human body posture to provide insights into the cognitive mechanisms responsive to bodily form, and the processing of its attractiveness. To achieve these aims, we used the contrapposto posture which creates an exaggeration of low waist to hip ratio (WHR), an indicator of women's attractiveness. Electroencephalogram (EEG) signals were recorded while participants completed both (i) an oddball task presenting female body forms differing in pose (contrapposto vs. standing) and viewing angle (anterior vs. posterior), and (ii) a subsequent active attractiveness judgement task. Behavioral results showed that a contrapposto pose is considered more attractive than a neutral standing pose. Result at the neural level showed that body posture modulates the visual information processing in early ERP components, indicating attentional variations depending on human body posture; as well as in late components, indicating further differences in attention and attractiveness judgement of stimuli varying in body pose. Furthermore, the LORETA results identified the middle temporal gyrus as well as angular gyrus as the key brain regions activated in association with the perception and attractiveness judgment of females’ bodies with different body poses. Overall, the current paper suggests the evolutionary adaptive preference for lower WHRs as in the contrapposto pose activating brain regions associated with visual perception and attractiveness judgement.
Keywords: body postureattractivenesssupernormal stimuliEEGERP
Check also Men looking at women: The contrapposto pose was perceived as more attractive than the standing pose
Waist-to-Hip Ratio as Supernormal Stimuli: Effect of Contrapposto Pose and Viewing Angle. Farid Pazhoohi. Archives of Sexual Behavior, June 18 2019. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2019/06/men-looking-at-women-contrapposto-pose.html
Perceived versus actual autism knowledge: Participants least knowledgeable about ASD overestimated their own knowledge; those most knowledgeable underestimated it
Perceived versus actual autism knowledge in the general population. Camilla M. McMahon, Brianna Stoll, Meghan Linthicum. Research in Autism Spectrum Disorders, Volume 71, March 2020, 101499. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rasd.2019.101499
Highlights
• Participants’ perceived ASD knowledge was not related to their actual ASD knowledge.
• Participants least knowledgeable about ASD overestimated their own knowledge.
• Participants most knowledgeable about ASD underestimated their own knowledge.
Abstract
Background In recent years, there has been a growing interest in assessing the general public’s knowledge and awareness of Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD). A variety of methods have been used to measure participants’ ASD knowledge, including self-report of ASD knowledge and objective assessment of ASD knowledge. The goals of the current study are twofold: (1) To determine whether there is a relationship between participants’ self-reported, perceived ASD knowledge and objectively-measured, actual ASD knowledge and (2) to examine the degree to which participants are aware of and can accurately monitor their own ASD knowledge.
Method Participants in the general population completed a subjective, self-report questionnaire on their perceived knowledge of ASD and an objective assessment measuring their actual knowledge of ASD. After completing the objective assessment, they estimated their raw score and percentile performance on the assessment.
Results Participants’ perceived knowledge of ASD was not related to their actual knowledge of ASD. Participants least knowledgeable about ASD overestimated their performance, and participants most knowledgeable about ASD underestimated their performance.
Conclusions These results suggest that perceived and actual ASD knowledge are theoretically distinct constructs, such that self-reported ASD knowledge cannot serve as a proxy variable for actual ASD knowledge. Furthermore, individuals with low ASD knowledge are often not aware of their own ignorance, such that it is unlikely that they will independently seek additional knowledge or training in this area.
Keywords: Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD)Autism knowledgeOverconfidenceDunning-Kruger effectUnskilled and unawareMetacognitive monitoring
Check also Participants with the lowest assessed weather knowledge do overestimate their weather knowledge, a result consistent with previous psychological studies:
And In self-judgment, the "best option illusion" leads to Dunning-Kruger (failure to recognize our own incompetence). In social judgment, it leads to the Cassandra quandary (failure to identify when another person’s competence exceeds our own):
Highlights
• Participants’ perceived ASD knowledge was not related to their actual ASD knowledge.
• Participants least knowledgeable about ASD overestimated their own knowledge.
• Participants most knowledgeable about ASD underestimated their own knowledge.
Abstract
Background In recent years, there has been a growing interest in assessing the general public’s knowledge and awareness of Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD). A variety of methods have been used to measure participants’ ASD knowledge, including self-report of ASD knowledge and objective assessment of ASD knowledge. The goals of the current study are twofold: (1) To determine whether there is a relationship between participants’ self-reported, perceived ASD knowledge and objectively-measured, actual ASD knowledge and (2) to examine the degree to which participants are aware of and can accurately monitor their own ASD knowledge.
Method Participants in the general population completed a subjective, self-report questionnaire on their perceived knowledge of ASD and an objective assessment measuring their actual knowledge of ASD. After completing the objective assessment, they estimated their raw score and percentile performance on the assessment.
Results Participants’ perceived knowledge of ASD was not related to their actual knowledge of ASD. Participants least knowledgeable about ASD overestimated their performance, and participants most knowledgeable about ASD underestimated their performance.
Conclusions These results suggest that perceived and actual ASD knowledge are theoretically distinct constructs, such that self-reported ASD knowledge cannot serve as a proxy variable for actual ASD knowledge. Furthermore, individuals with low ASD knowledge are often not aware of their own ignorance, such that it is unlikely that they will independently seek additional knowledge or training in this area.
Keywords: Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD)Autism knowledgeOverconfidenceDunning-Kruger effectUnskilled and unawareMetacognitive monitoring
Check also Participants with the lowest assessed weather knowledge do overestimate their weather knowledge, a result consistent with previous psychological studies:
What People Know About the Weather. Christopher Nunley, Kathleen Sherman-Morris. Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, Jan 2020. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/01/participants-with-lowest-assessed.html
And In self-judgment, the "best option illusion" leads to Dunning-Kruger (failure to recognize our own incompetence). In social judgment, it leads to the Cassandra quandary (failure to identify when another person’s competence exceeds our own):
The best option illusion in self and social assessment. David Dunning. Self and Identity, Apr 2018. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2018/04/in-self-judgment-best-option-illusion.html
Black Americans, relative to White Americans, generate images of police officers’ faces that are more negative, less positive, & more dominant
Good Cop, Bad Cop: Race-Based Differences in Mental Representations of Police. E. Paige Lloyd et al. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, January 16, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167219898562
Abstract: The current work investigates race-based biases in conceptualization of the facial appearance of police. We employ a reverse correlation procedure to demonstrate that Black Americans, relative to White Americans, conceptualize police officers’ faces as more negative, less positive, and more dominant. We further find that these differential representations have implications for interactions with police. When naïve participants (of various races) viewed images of police officers generated by Black Americans (relative to those generated by White Americans), they responded with greater anticipated anxiety and reported more fight-or-flight behavioral intentions. Across four studies, findings suggest Black and White Americans conceptualize police and police–citizen interactions fundamentally differently. These findings have important theoretical (e.g., using reverse correlation to document the mental representations held by minority group members) and practical implications (e.g., identifying race-based differences in representations of police that may affect community–police relations).
Keywords: person perception, intergroup relations, prejudice/stereotyping, social cognition
From Good Cop Bad Cop Methodology https://osf.io/hyfnk/
Study 1
Face rating dimensions:
“Please rate the person picture above on the following dimensions:”
Traits: (presented in random order)
How friendly does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How warm does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How empathetic does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How fearful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How hostile does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How authoritative does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How powerful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Study 2
Face rating instructions:
“Thank You for participating in today's experiment!
In this study, we are interested in people's perceptions of different groups. You will be presented with
blurry face images and you will be asked to rate those images on a variety of traits.
Although these faces may seem similar, they are not identical. There are subtle differences. Please judge
each face independent of the previous. Past research indicates that even in these blurry faces people are
quite accurate in identifying characteristics and qualities about the person.
Please click continue.”
Face rating dimensions:
“Please rate the person picture above on the following dimensions:”
Traits: (presented in random order)
How friendly does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How warm does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How empathetic does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How fearful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How hostile does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How authoritative does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How powerful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Group membership: (presented in order shown below)
How Eurocentric (White) does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How Afrocentric (Black) does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How feminine does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How masculine does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Study 3
Face rating instructions:
“In this study, we are interested in people's perceptions of different individuals. You will be presented
with one blurry face and a scenario. The face you see will be randomly selected. Pay close attention to
cues in the face, imagine yourself in the scenario, and then respond to the questions.
Please click continue.”
Imagined scenario instructions:
“Look carefully at the face above and imagine the following scenario:
You're walking home alone at night when the person pictured above says to stop walking. They are a
police officer. They are armed. They begin to approach you. To your knowledge you are doing nothing
wrong and are breaking no laws.
Feelings of anxiety measure: (presented in random order)
How tense would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How frightened would feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How anxious would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How scared would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How worried would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How safe would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How at ease would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How relaxed would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How protected would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How comfortable would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Fight-and-flight behavioral intentions measure: (presented in random order)
“Again look carefully at the face above and continue to imagine the scenario.”
To what extent would you be preparing to physically defend yourself, in case it became
necessary? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
To what extent would you be preparing to run away, in case it became necessary? (1=Not at all,
9=Extremely)
Quantity and quality of contact with police questionnaire:
5.
How much contact have you had with police officers? (1=None, 7=A great deal)
6.
How positive has your contact with police been? (1=Not at all positive, 7=Extremely positive)
7.
How many police officers do you know? (1=None, 7=Know a lot)
8.
How well do you know those police officers (1=Do not know those officers well, 7=Know those
officers very well)
Attitudes toward police questionnaire:
7.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
8.
To what extent are polices officers effective at fighting crime? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
9.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
10.
To what extent do you feel police officers try to treat people fairly regardless of who they are?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
11.
To what extent do you feel police officers can be relied on to be there when you need them?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
12.
To what extent do you trust police officers to make decisions that are good for everyone in your
community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
Study 4
Face rating instructions:
“In this study, we are interested in people's perceptions of different groups. You will be presented with 2
images of blurry faces and you will be asked to rate those images on a variety of traits.
Although these faces may seem similar, they are not identical. There are subtle differences. Please judge
each face independent of the previous. Past research indicates that even in these blurry faces people are
quite accurate in identifying characteristics and qualities about the person.
Please click continue.”
Face rating dimensions:
“Please rate the person picture above on the following dimensions:”
Traits: (presented in random order)
How friendly does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How warm does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How empathetic does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How fearful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How hostile does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How authoritative does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How powerful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Imagined scenario instructions:
“Look carefully at the face above and imagine the following scenario:
You're walking home alone at night when the person pictured above says to stop walking. They are a
police officer. They are armed. They begin to approach you. To your knowledge you are doing nothing
wrong and are breaking no laws.
Feelings of anxiety measure: (presented in random order)
How tense would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How frightened would feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How anxious would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How scared would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How worried would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How safe would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How at ease would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How relaxed would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How protected would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How comfortable would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Fight-and-flight behavioral intentions measure: (presented in random order)
“Again look carefully at the face above and again imagine the scenario.
You're walking home alone at night when the person pictured above says to stop walking. They
are a police officer. They are armed. They begin to approach you. To your knowledge you are
doing nothing wrong and are breaking no laws.”
To what extent would you be preparing to physically defend yourself, in case it became
necessary? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
To what extent would you be preparing to run away, in case it became necessary? (1=Not at all,
9=Extremely)
Quantity and quality of contact with police questionnaire:
9.
How much contact have you had with police officers? (1=None, 7=A great deal)
10.
How positive has your contact with police been? (1=Not at all positive, 7=Extremely positive)
11.
How many police officers do you know? (1=None, 7=Know a lot)
12.
How well do you know those police officers (1=Do not know those officers well, 7=Know those
officers very well)
Attitudes toward police questionnaire:
13.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
14.
To what extent are polices officers effective at fighting crime? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
15.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
16.
To what extent do you feel police officers try to treat people fairly regardless of who they are?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
17.
To what extent do you feel police officers can be relied on to be there when you need them?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
18.
To what extent do you trust police officers to make decisions that are good for everyone in your
community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
Abstract: The current work investigates race-based biases in conceptualization of the facial appearance of police. We employ a reverse correlation procedure to demonstrate that Black Americans, relative to White Americans, conceptualize police officers’ faces as more negative, less positive, and more dominant. We further find that these differential representations have implications for interactions with police. When naïve participants (of various races) viewed images of police officers generated by Black Americans (relative to those generated by White Americans), they responded with greater anticipated anxiety and reported more fight-or-flight behavioral intentions. Across four studies, findings suggest Black and White Americans conceptualize police and police–citizen interactions fundamentally differently. These findings have important theoretical (e.g., using reverse correlation to document the mental representations held by minority group members) and practical implications (e.g., identifying race-based differences in representations of police that may affect community–police relations).
Keywords: person perception, intergroup relations, prejudice/stereotyping, social cognition
From Good Cop Bad Cop Methodology https://osf.io/hyfnk/
Study 1
Face rating dimensions:
“Please rate the person picture above on the following dimensions:”
Traits: (presented in random order)
How friendly does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How warm does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How empathetic does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How fearful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How hostile does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How authoritative does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How powerful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Study 2
Face rating instructions:
“Thank You for participating in today's experiment!
In this study, we are interested in people's perceptions of different groups. You will be presented with
blurry face images and you will be asked to rate those images on a variety of traits.
Although these faces may seem similar, they are not identical. There are subtle differences. Please judge
each face independent of the previous. Past research indicates that even in these blurry faces people are
quite accurate in identifying characteristics and qualities about the person.
Please click continue.”
Face rating dimensions:
“Please rate the person picture above on the following dimensions:”
Traits: (presented in random order)
How friendly does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How warm does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How empathetic does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How fearful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How hostile does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How authoritative does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How powerful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Group membership: (presented in order shown below)
How Eurocentric (White) does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How Afrocentric (Black) does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How feminine does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How masculine does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Study 3
Face rating instructions:
“In this study, we are interested in people's perceptions of different individuals. You will be presented
with one blurry face and a scenario. The face you see will be randomly selected. Pay close attention to
cues in the face, imagine yourself in the scenario, and then respond to the questions.
Please click continue.”
Imagined scenario instructions:
“Look carefully at the face above and imagine the following scenario:
You're walking home alone at night when the person pictured above says to stop walking. They are a
police officer. They are armed. They begin to approach you. To your knowledge you are doing nothing
wrong and are breaking no laws.
Feelings of anxiety measure: (presented in random order)
How tense would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How frightened would feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How anxious would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How scared would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How worried would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How safe would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How at ease would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How relaxed would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How protected would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How comfortable would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Fight-and-flight behavioral intentions measure: (presented in random order)
“Again look carefully at the face above and continue to imagine the scenario.”
To what extent would you be preparing to physically defend yourself, in case it became
necessary? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
To what extent would you be preparing to run away, in case it became necessary? (1=Not at all,
9=Extremely)
Quantity and quality of contact with police questionnaire:
5.
How much contact have you had with police officers? (1=None, 7=A great deal)
6.
How positive has your contact with police been? (1=Not at all positive, 7=Extremely positive)
7.
How many police officers do you know? (1=None, 7=Know a lot)
8.
How well do you know those police officers (1=Do not know those officers well, 7=Know those
officers very well)
Attitudes toward police questionnaire:
7.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
8.
To what extent are polices officers effective at fighting crime? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
9.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
10.
To what extent do you feel police officers try to treat people fairly regardless of who they are?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
11.
To what extent do you feel police officers can be relied on to be there when you need them?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
12.
To what extent do you trust police officers to make decisions that are good for everyone in your
community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
Study 4
Face rating instructions:
“In this study, we are interested in people's perceptions of different groups. You will be presented with 2
images of blurry faces and you will be asked to rate those images on a variety of traits.
Although these faces may seem similar, they are not identical. There are subtle differences. Please judge
each face independent of the previous. Past research indicates that even in these blurry faces people are
quite accurate in identifying characteristics and qualities about the person.
Please click continue.”
Face rating dimensions:
“Please rate the person picture above on the following dimensions:”
Traits: (presented in random order)
How friendly does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How warm does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How empathetic does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How fearful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How hostile does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How dominant does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How authoritative does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How powerful does this person appear? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Imagined scenario instructions:
“Look carefully at the face above and imagine the following scenario:
You're walking home alone at night when the person pictured above says to stop walking. They are a
police officer. They are armed. They begin to approach you. To your knowledge you are doing nothing
wrong and are breaking no laws.
Feelings of anxiety measure: (presented in random order)
How tense would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How frightened would feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How anxious would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How scared would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How worried would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How safe would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How at ease would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How relaxed would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How protected would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
How comfortable would you feel? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
Fight-and-flight behavioral intentions measure: (presented in random order)
“Again look carefully at the face above and again imagine the scenario.
You're walking home alone at night when the person pictured above says to stop walking. They
are a police officer. They are armed. They begin to approach you. To your knowledge you are
doing nothing wrong and are breaking no laws.”
To what extent would you be preparing to physically defend yourself, in case it became
necessary? (1=Not at all, 9=Extremely)
To what extent would you be preparing to run away, in case it became necessary? (1=Not at all,
9=Extremely)
Quantity and quality of contact with police questionnaire:
9.
How much contact have you had with police officers? (1=None, 7=A great deal)
10.
How positive has your contact with police been? (1=Not at all positive, 7=Extremely positive)
11.
How many police officers do you know? (1=None, 7=Know a lot)
12.
How well do you know those police officers (1=Do not know those officers well, 7=Know those
officers very well)
Attitudes toward police questionnaire:
13.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
14.
To what extent are polices officers effective at fighting crime? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
15.
To what extent do you feel police officers listen to community members and understand the
issues that affect your community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
16.
To what extent do you feel police officers try to treat people fairly regardless of who they are?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
17.
To what extent do you feel police officers can be relied on to be there when you need them?
(1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
18.
To what extent do you trust police officers to make decisions that are good for everyone in your
community? (1=Not at all, 7=Extremely)
In total, our results are consistent with the likelihood of considerable genetic variation in the expression of male gender nonconformity, and possibly even in its causes
Familiality of Gender Nonconformity Among Homosexual Men. J. Michael Bailey. Archives of Sexual Behavior, January 16 2020. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-020-01626-w
Abstract: We examined whether recalled childhood gender nonconformity and self-reported adult gender nonconformity is familial, using data from 1154 families selected for having at least two homosexual brothers. Specifically, we examined the extent to which homosexual men’s variation in gender nonconformity runs in families by examining pairs of genetic brothers who were both homosexual (N = 672–697 full sibling concordant pairs). We also examined similarity between homosexual and heterosexual brothers (N = 79–82 full sibling discordant pairs). Consistent with past studies, concordant pairs yielded modest positive correlations consistent with moderate genetic and/or familial environmental effects on gender nonconformity. Unlike results of smaller past studies, discordant pairs also yielded modest positive, though nonsignificant, correlations. Our results support the feasibility of supplementing genetic studies of male sexual orientation with analyses of gender nonconformity variation.
Keywords: Sexual orientation Homosexuality Gender nonconformity Familiality Genetics
Abstract: We examined whether recalled childhood gender nonconformity and self-reported adult gender nonconformity is familial, using data from 1154 families selected for having at least two homosexual brothers. Specifically, we examined the extent to which homosexual men’s variation in gender nonconformity runs in families by examining pairs of genetic brothers who were both homosexual (N = 672–697 full sibling concordant pairs). We also examined similarity between homosexual and heterosexual brothers (N = 79–82 full sibling discordant pairs). Consistent with past studies, concordant pairs yielded modest positive correlations consistent with moderate genetic and/or familial environmental effects on gender nonconformity. Unlike results of smaller past studies, discordant pairs also yielded modest positive, though nonsignificant, correlations. Our results support the feasibility of supplementing genetic studies of male sexual orientation with analyses of gender nonconformity variation.
Keywords: Sexual orientation Homosexuality Gender nonconformity Familiality Genetics
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