Behavioural Changes in Mice after Getting Accustomed to the Mirror

Behavioural Changes in Mice after Getting Accustomed to the Mirror. Hiroshi Ueno et al. Behavioural Neurology, Volume 2020 |Article ID 4071315 | 12 pages, Feb 3 2020. https://doi.org/10.1155/2020/4071315

Abstract: Patients with brain function disorders due to stroke or dementia may show inability to recognize themselves in the mirror. Although the cognitive ability to recognize mirror images has been investigated in many animal species, the animal species that can be used for experimentation and the mechanisms involved in recognition remain unclear. We investigated whether mice have the ability to recognize their mirror images. Demonstrating evidence of this in mice would be useful for researching the psychological and biological mechanisms underlying this ability. We examined whether mice preferred mirrors, whether plastic tapes on their heads increased their interest, and whether mice accustomed to mirrors learnt its physical phenomenon. Mice were significantly more interested in live stranger mice than mirrors. Mice with tape on their heads spent more time before mirrors. Becoming accustomed to mirrors did not change their behaviour. Mice accustomed to mirrors had significantly increased interest in photos of themselves over those of strangers and cage-mates. These results indicated that mice visually recognized plastic tape adherent to reflected individuals. Mice accustomed to mirrors were able to discriminate between their images, cage-mates, and stranger mice. However, it is still unknown whether mice recognize that the reflected images are of themselves.

4. Discussion

In this study, we applied a plastic tape to the heads of mice and investigated their change in interest towards the mirror. The interest in the mirror when the plastic tape was applied to the heads of mice significantly increased from before they were accustomed to the mirror to after they were accustomed to the mirror. Furthermore, we found that mice frequently contacted the mirror, suggesting that they could distinguish the image on the mirror from the faces of the cage-mate and stranger mice.

Animals that are thought to be able to perceive their reflections in the mirror as their own figures, in many cases, follow four steps when faced with a mirror: (1) make social reactions, (2) explore the physical sense (such as checking the back of the mirror), (3) perform repetitive actions to test the mirror, and (4) understand that the image reflected is their own [9]. In the tests used in this study, mice did not show social reactions or exploratory behaviours of reacting positively to mirrors as did chimpanzees, dogs, and fish in previous studies. The interest of the mice to the opaque board was comparable to that to the mirror. Previous reports show that the mirror slightly disgusted the mice, and that unlike with other animal species, mirrors are not environmentally enriching material for mice [22, 23]. For this reason, chambers composed of mirrors are used to test the effects of anxiolytic drugs in mice [24, 25]. The difference in our results may be due to the differences in the familiarity of the mice to the mirror, the reflective state of the plastic breeding home cages, single breeding versus mass breeding, and the illuminance of the experimental environment. Specular reflection provides only visual information, whereas live animals provide multiple sensory information. Therefore, live animals have richer stimuli than mirrors. Since mice are animals that prioritize olfaction rather than vision and hearing, it is considered reasonable that their interest in the mirror without smell quickly diminishes.

In this study, all the mice showed a stronger interest in the live stranger mouse than in the mirror. Previous studies have reported that mice are more interested in mirrors than stranger mice [26]. The difference in these results may have been because of accustoming the mice to the mirror, which may have affected the result. However, it is reasonable that the mice would show interest in live stranger mice that provide multiple sensory information rather than in specular reflections that provide only visual information. Moreover, even if mice do not understand the reflection in the mirror as the reflected image of itself, it is a natural reaction to ignore the mirror image as a harmless stimulus for themselves rather than to recognize it as a homogeneous individual to react with socially [27]. In fact, the mental process and cognitive ability of the mouse in response to the mirror are unknown, and further research is needed for elucidation. This study shows that mice are not interested in mirrors.

We applied small plastic tapes to the heads of mice for the tape on the head test. Mice with the tapes on their heads showed an increased interest in the mirror. Even after becoming accustomed to the mirror, the interest of the taped mouse to the mirrors remained high. However, the taped mice did not show behaviour suggestive of trying to eliminate the tape. During the mark test, the mark may not be perceived as abnormal by the animals, and they may not feel the impulse to touch it. Pigs have been reported to be able to recognize their movements in the mirror in a very short time, and to be self-conscious [28]. However, it is thought that since pigs are accustomed to the state of mud being attached to their bodies, even if they are marked during experiments, they do not mind this. This does not mean that they are not self-perceiving. Even if they can perceive themselves, if the motivation to remove dirt from their faces is small, they would not show action suggestive of trying to touch the mark. It may be possible that mice, like pigs, do not feel the necessity to remove foreign objects attached to their bodies. The mark test is a compound task in which the ability of the subject to use tools, recognize itself, and detect visual information is questioned. The mark test has been used as a method for confirming the presence or absence of self-awareness, but opinion is divided on its validity [16]. The mark test represents one aspect of self-recognition that has, in recent years, been considered to be different from the overall self-recognition that human beings experience. Moreover, it may not be so meaningful to target an animal that mainly uses a sense other than vision during the mirror test [29]. The results of the present study did not necessarily indicate the existence of self-recognition capability in mice. However, it showed that mice visually perceived unusual states through the mirror. Further research is needed to clarify factors that increase the interest of mice towards mirrors.

Other than the head, the throat is another location that can be used to attach the tape. A similar study analysed the behaviour of a magpie with a tape attached to the throat [10]. However, the throat is a motile part of the animal body, and a tape attached to the throat would provide a tactile stimulus. However, the skin on the head is immobile, and a level of similar tactile stimulus would be implausible.

This study showed that, by spending time with a mirror in the home cage, mice changed their interest in photos of themselves over photos of cage-mates and stranger mice. This mouse behaviour indicated that by learning through the mirror, the mice recognized that the image in the mirror was different from the figure of their cage-mate mice. It should be noted that the results of this study are not evidence that mice recognize the images in the mirror as their own. However, some animals have shown that their self-perception of the mirror image can be enabled through experience [30, 31]. It has been reported that self-perception of the mirror image occurs naturally in rhesus macaques after training for accurate visual-specific receptor association to mirror images [32, 33]. It has also been reported that pigeons pass the mark test after thorough training by voluntary and mirror-based pecking [30, 34]. In recent years, it has been reported that the cleaner wrasse (Labroides dimidiatus) is able to self-recognize by learning [12]. In addition, it is indicated that the age of acquiring mirror image self-recognition in humans is related to the frequency of postnatally experiencing the mirror and to cultural differences [35]. Among infants in Africa, where opportunities to see mirrors are less frequent than in developed countries, it is reported that the age at which mirror images of the self can be clearly perceived is somewhat higher. The results of this study are consistent with previous reports, indicating the possibility that more animals show that there is a sense of “self” than we think. Since mirror image self-recognition increased as the mirror was experienced more frequently, it is considered that changing the cognitive evaluation of the mirror at the stage when the reflecting property of the mirror and the reflecting object are learnt becomes the turning point.

The mental processes of mice and other animal species, such as apes are unknown, and it is difficult to decipher the cognitive abilities of such animals. Our results show that the mouse is an animal that alters recognition to the mirror by learning. Further research is needed to clarify the mirror recognition of the self by mice. Having a mouse as an effective model for behavioural research, such as mirror self-recognition, opens doors to study aspects of this behaviour that would otherwise be impossible to study.

Patients who suffer from failure of brain function due to a stroke or dementia may show symptoms of being able to recognize the images of their family members and others in the mirror, while not being able to recognize their own images. This phenomenon is called mirror self-misidentification [36]. Mirror self-misidentification is also a symptom of dissociative disorder [37]. However, the mechanism by which this occurs is not clear. Furthermore, when the function of the upper part of the medial prefrontal cortex is temporarily stopped by the transcranial magnetic stimulation method, the person manifests symptoms of being unable to recognize themselves when looking at the mirror [38]. These reports suggest that specific neural circuits are involved in the perception of mirror images of oneself in humans. It is therefore useful to develop a method to clarify these neural mechanisms, to treat cranial nerve disease, and to further clarify the evolutionary basis of the cognitive ability of recognizing mirror images of oneself. New knowledge obtained by conducting experiments on animals focus on whether or not mirror self-recognition is possible for those specific species. Furthermore, many other questions on the neural infrastructure remain. This study shows the potential of using mice for elucidating neural circuits.

Greek Cultural Context: About half of men preferring several sexual partners, not minding lower mate malue; about a third of women preferred several lifetime sexual partners, minding the mate value

Desire for Sexual Variety in the Greek Cultural Context. Menelaos Apostolou. The Cyprus Review, Vol. 31 No. 1 (2019), Feb 4, 2020. http://cyprusreview.org/index.php/cr/article/view/628

Abstract: Human beings exhibit considerable variation in their approach towards the number of sexual partners they wish to have. One consistent predictor of this variation has been sex—men desire more sexual partners than women. The current study aims to examine whether this effect is present in the Greek cultural context. In particular, a sample of 1414 Greek and Greek-Cypriot participants were asked about their desired number of sexual partners at different stages in their lives. It was found that men preferred significantly more partners than women. It was further found that men were divided in their preferences, with about half preferring several, and about half preferring a few lifetime sexual partners. On the other hand, about three-thirds of women preferred a few lifetime sexual partners with about one-third preferring several lifetime partners.

Results provided very limited evidence for the existence of opinion-based homogeneity on YouTube, even when the whole network was divided into sub-networks

Opinion-based Homogeneity on YouTube: Combining Sentiment and Social Network Analysis. Daniel Röchert+German Neubaum+Björn Ross+Florian Brachten+Stefan Stieglitz. Computational Communication Research, February 3, 2020. https://computationalcommunication.org/ccr/article/view/15

Abstract: The growing complexity of political communication online goes along with increasing methodological challenges to process communication data properly in order to investigate public concerns such as the existence of echo chambers. To cover the full range of political diversity in online communication, we argue that it is necessary to focus on specific political issues. This study proposes an innovative combination of computational methods, including natural language processing and social network analysis, that serves as a model for future research on the evolution of opinion climates in online networks. Data were gathered on YouTube, enabling the assessment of users’ expressed opinions on two political issues. Results provided very limited evidence for the existence of opinion-based homogeneity on YouTube. This was true even when the whole network was divided into sub-networks. Findings are discussed in light of current computational communication research and the vigorous debate on echo chambers in online networks.

Keywords: machine-learning, echo chamber, social network analysis, computational science

Cities have a negative impact on navigation ability: evidence from 38 countries

Cities have a negative impact on navigation ability: evidence from 38 countries. Antoine Coutrot, Ed Manley, Demet Yesiltepe, Ruth C Dalton, Jan M Wiener, Christoph Holscher, Michael Hornberger, Hugo J Spiers. bioRxiv, Feb 5 2020. https://doi.org/10.1101/2020.01.23.917211

Abstract: Cultural and geographical properties of the environment have been shown to deeply influence cognition and mental health. However, how the environment experienced during early life impacts later cognitive abilities remains poorly understood. Here, we used a cognitive task embedded in a video game to measure non-verbal spatial navigation ability in 442,195 people from 38 countries across the world. We found that on average, people who reported having grown up in cities have worse navigation skills than those who grew-up outside cities, even when controlling for age, gender, and level of education. The negative impact of cities was stronger in countries with low average Street Network Entropy, i.e. whose cities have a griddy layout. The effect was smaller in countries with more complex, organic cities. This evidences the impact of the environment on human cognition on a global scale, and highlights the importance of urban design on human cognition and brain function.

Physiology predicting ideology: The relationship have not fully replicated in more recent, well-powered replications

Physiology predicts ideology. Or does it? The current state of political psychophysiology research. Kevin B Smith, Clarisse Warren. Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences, Volume 34, August 2020, Pages 88-93. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2020.01.001

Political scientists are increasingly adopting psychophysiological research modalities to investigate the biomarkers of political attitudes and behavior. A good deal of this research focuses on the sympathetic branch of the autonomic nervous system. This makes a good deal of sense as psychophysiologists have long associated the sympathetic nervous system (SNS) with the sorts of implicit emotional-cognitive processing theorized to underpin a range of political attitudes. This review assesses the literature examining the relationship between political attitudes and individual-level variation in SNS activation, especially in response to disgust/threat stimuli where non-physiological research provides the basis for a strong a priori hypothesis for the existence of such a relationship. The empirical record for this relationship proves to be mixed, with a number of studies supporting the base theoretical expectations, but failed replications and questions about what is actually being measured also raising questions about the generalizability of the findings.

Introduction

A considerable research literature suggests that political attitudes and behaviors are genetically, which is to say biologically, influenced. Well-powered analyses using a variety of methodological approaches—including twin studies, adoption studies, and genome wide association studies—converge on the inference that a non-trivial amount of variation in political beliefs and behaviors systematically maps onto genetic variation [1, 2, 3, 4]. While the evidence of biological influences on political phenotypes is persuasive, the specific downstream mechanisms explaining this link have only recently begun to be systematically investigated. Ideology is a complex social phenotype. Its heritable components are almost certainly polygenic in nature, and the biological mechanisms that presumably mediate between genes and political beliefs almost certainly interact with environmental influences in ways that are far from fully understood. How does biology actually influence political traits? Currently, the only honest answer to this question is that we are not completely sure.

While no comprehensive, universally accepted answer exists to this question, a rough theoretical model emerged over the past decade or so to guide investigations of the link between biology and ideology. Succinctly, this model assumes genetic variation leads to individual-level differences in the physiological systems that not only play a key role in extracting and processing information from the external environment, but also in generating automatic emotional and behavioral responses to a given environmental situation or stimuli. The essential idea is that genes build biological information processing systems, there is individual-level variation in those systems due to both genetic and environmental influences, these individual-level variations lead to differences in implicit emotional and cognitive responses to environmental stimuli, and those differences reflect physiologically instantiated predispositions that at least partially drive political preferences [5, 6, 7].

An obvious general hypothesis generated by this framework is that individual-level differences in physiological responses to particular stimuli should predict political beliefs and behavior. An initial tranche of mostly small-N studies focusing on the sympathetic branch of the autonomic nervous system (ANS) reported evidence of exactly such links, though the reported physiology/ideology relationships centered more on certain attitudes associated with social conservatism rather than ideology more broadly conceived. Those relationships, however, have not fully replicated in more recent, well-powered replications. This raises questions not just about the specific relationships tested, but the broader theoretical framework generating the hypotheses.

We review this research and, especially in light of recent replication failures, examine implications for future research. We suggest one way forward is to narrow both the theoretical and empirical approach, focusing on physiological responses to more narrowly targeted stimuli and how those responses do or do not predict more specific political attitudes.

The ANS as a basis to investigate Links between physiology and ideology

The primary purpose of the ANS is to maintain homeostasis between external and internal environments through the regulation and coordination of bodily functions like digestion, respiration, and cardiac activity. These regulatory functions are largely automatic and implicit and occur outside of conscious awareness. The ANS has two primary branches, the sympathetic nervous system (SNS; colloquially known as the ‘fight or flight’ system) and the parasympathetic nervous system (PNS; the ‘rest and digest’ system).

Most research targeting the ANS to investigate the physiological underpinnings of ideology has focused on the SNS. This is in no small part because of the availability of a well-validated measure of SNS arousal, electrodermal activity (EDA), that can be obtained reliably and relatively cheaply using little more than a bioamplifier and sensors capable of capturing skin conductance.

The SNS represents a good target for testing links between physiology and ideology because psychophysiologists have long associated SNS activity with various aspects of automatic emotional-cognitive processing [8]. Some of those processes are, prima facie, good candidates to map onto political attitudes and behaviors. For example, recent literature reviews suggest the attitudinal and behavioral differences between liberals and conservatives are systematic, are anchored in traits such as negativity bias and in-group versus out-group bias, and almost certainly have a neurobiological basis [9]. That neurobiological basis clearly encompasses the ANS because it is already associated with some of these traits. It is well established, for example, that negative stimuli evoke a greater SNS response than non-negative stimuli, and this includes stimuli such as negative news stories that are relevant to politics [10, 11, 12, 13]. So variation in skin conductance seems to reliably capture (among other things) individual-level variation in negativity bias, and individual-level variation in negativity bias is widely hypothesized to systematically co-vary with political beliefs. This is all consistent with the hypothesis that SNS response to particular types of negatively valenced stimuli will predict political beliefs.

Exactly such arguments have already been made in relation to specific categories of aversive stimuli, especially threat and disgust. Numerous studies using non-physiological (self-report) measures have repeatedly found disgust and threat sensitivity correlate with political attitudes [14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19], and a meta-analytic review encompassing 134 samples from 16 countries concludes there is consistent evidence that both subjective perceptions and objective experiences of fearful or threating stimuli correlate with conservatism [20]. Theoretically, this relationship is assumed to be anchored in evolved implicit processes [21]. In short, there is consistent and persuasive evidence that variation in threat and disgust responses as captured by self-report batteries is predictive of political attitudes. As there is little doubt such stimuli also evoke SNS arousal [17,22], a clear physiology-based hypothesis is suggested, that is, that individual-level variation in EDA response to such stimuli should predict political beliefs. There now exists a fairly extensive literature focused on testing these sorts of hypotheses that, in effect, combine what is known about how responses to non-political stimuli map onto political beliefs, and how the SNS is known to respond to similar sorts of stimuli.

We analyze whether the positive relation between education and health is causal; no causal effect found; result is extremely robust to changes in the main specification and using other databases

Education and adult health: Is there a causal effect? Pedro Albarrán, Marisa Hidalgo-Hidalgo, Iñigo Iturbe-Ormaetxea. Social Science & Medicine, February 7 2020, 112830. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2020.112830

• We analyze whether the positive relation between education and health is causal.
• We combine multi-country data from two cross-sections of EU-SILC.
• We use exogenous variation in compulsory schooling induced by school laws.
• We find no causal effect of education on any of our several health measures.
• The result is robust to changes in the main specification and using other databases.

Abstract: Many studies find a strong positive correlation between education and adult health. A subtler question is whether this correlation can be interpreted as a causal relationship. We combine multi-country data from two cross-sections of the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) survey and use exogenous variation in compulsory years of schooling across countries and cohorts induced by compulsory schooling laws. We find no causal effect of education on any of our several health measures. This finding is extremely robust to different changes in our main specification and holds using other databases. We discuss different explanations for our results.

Keywords: HealthEducationInstrumental variables

The Manosphere, a conglomerate of predominantly Web-based misogynist movements roughly focused on men's issues, is characterized by a volume of hateful speech appreciably higher than other Web communities

From Pick-Up Artists to Incels: A Data-Driven Sketch of the Manosphere. Manoel Horta Ribeiro, Jeremy Blackburn, Barry Bradlyn, Emiliano De Cristofaro, Gianluca Stringhini, Summer Long, Stephanie Greenberg, Savvas Zannettou. arXiv Jan 21 2020. https://arxiv.org/abs/2001.07600

Abstract: Over the past few years, a number of "fringe" online communities have been orchestrating harassment campaigns and spreading extremist ideologies on the Web. In this paper, we present a large-scale characterization of the Manosphere, a conglomerate of predominantly Web-based misogynist movements roughly focused on men's issues. We do so by gathering and analyzing 38M posts obtained from 7 forums and 57 subreddits. We find that milder and older communities, such as Pick Up Artists and Men's Rights Activists, are giving way to more extremist communities like Incels and Men Going Their Own Way, with a substantial migration of active users. We also show that the Manosphere is characterized by a volume of hateful speech appreciably higher than other Web communities, including those, such as Gab, known to be hateful. Overall, we paint a comprehensive picture of the evolution of the Manosphere, highlighting the relevance of studying these communities using computational social science methods.

Check also Inside the World of ‘Femcels.’ Isabelle Kohn. Mel, Feb 10 2010. https://melmagazine.com/en-us/story/femcels-vs-incels-meaning-reddit-discord

And Male Sexlessness is Rising, But Not for the Reasons Incels Claim. Lyman Stone. Institute of Family Studies, May 2018. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2018/05/male-sexlessness-is-rising-but-not-for.html

And Does anyone have the right to sex?Amia Srinivasan. London Review of Books, Vol. 40 No. 6 · 22 March 2018, pages 5-10. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2018/03/does-anyone-have-right-to-sex.html

Moral incongruence, self-perceived addiction and problematic pornography use

Lewczuk, K., Glica, A., Nowakowska, I., et al. Evaluating Pornography Problems Due to Moral Incongruence Model. J Sex Med 2020;17:300–311. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1743609519317837

Abstract
Introduction  To date, multiple models of problematic pornography use have been proposed, but attempts to validate them have been scarce.

Aim  In our study, we aimed to evaluate the Pornography Problems due to Moral Incongruence model proposing that self-appraisals of pornography addiction stem from (i) general dysregulation, (ii) habits of use, and (iii) moral incongruence between internalized norms and behavior. We investigated whether the model can be used to adequately explain the self-perceptions of addiction to pornography (model 1) and a broader phenomenon of problematic pornography use (model 2).

Methods  An online, nationally representative study was conducted on a sample of 1036 Polish adult participants, of whom, 880 declared a lifetime history of viewing pornography.

Main Outcome Measure  The outcomes were self-perceived pornography addiction, problematic pornography use, avoidant coping, frequency of pornography use, religiosity, moral disapproval of pornography, and related variables.

Results  Our results indicated that avoidant coping (an indicator of general dysregulation), frequency of pornography use (indicator of habits of use), and the distress connected with incongruence between own sexual behavior and internalized norms, attitudes and beliefs positively contributed to self-perceived addiction (model 1) as well as problematic pornography use (model 2). This broadly confirms the basic shape of the PPMI model. There were, however, notable differences between the models. Moral incongruence related distress was only weakly related to self-perceived addiction (β = 0.15, P < .001), with a stronger relation for problematic pornography use (β = 0.31, P < .001). When controlling for other factors, religiosity weakly predicted problematic pornography use (β = 0.13, P < .001), but not self-perceived addiction to pornography (β = 0.03, P = .368). Frequency of pornography use was the strongest predictor of both self-perceived addiction (β = 0.52, P < .001) and problematic pornography use (β = 0.43, P < .001).

Clinical Implications  Factors proposed within the PPMI model are distinctly relevant intervention targets, and they should be considered in the process of diagnosis and treatment.

Strengths & Limitations  The presented study is the first to evaluate PPMI model. Its main limitation is that it has a cross-sectional design.

Conclusion  The PPMI model is a promising framework for investigating the factors related to self-perceived addiction and problematic pornography use. Despite the differences between the models and in the strength of specific predictors, (i) dysregulation, (ii) habits of use, and (iii) moral incongruence all uniquely contribute to self-perceived addiction and problematic pornography use.

Discussion

The presented work is one of only a few attempting a nonfragmentary assessment of the validity of any model of pornography addiction, problematic pornography use or problematic sexual behavior, and the first to do so for the PPMI model. On a general level, our results confirmed the appropriateness of the basic shape of the model to depict the structure of predictors of both self-perceived addiction to pornography (model 1, Figure 1) and problematic pornography use (model 2, Figure 2). However in some places, our results diverge from the predictions stemming from the model, and there are at least several specific but important issues that require consideration as well as have potential implications for the shape of the model and future research.

As described previously, the analysis reported in the present study was based on 3 paths proposed within the PPMI model: dysregulation path (as indicated by avoidant coping), habits of use path (indicated by frequency of pornography use) and moral incongruence path (operationalized by religiosity, moral disapproval of pornography use, and moral incongruence–related distress). Overall, the results showed that all 3 paths uniquely and significantly contribute to explaining both self-perceived addiction and a broader set of symptoms that fall under the label of problematic pornography use. Moreover, our results confirmed that problematic pornography use symptoms are distinct from simple declarations of being an addict. The correlation between these 2 constructs was r = 0.55. Based on our results, none of the 3 paths postulated within the model can be reduced to the other or eliminated without deterioration in the quality and predictive value of the model. This confirms the basic prediction stemming from the PPMI model.³ Estimated models explained a significant portion of variance in self-perceived addiction (33.9%, model 1) and problematic pornography use (35.9%, model 2).

Conclusions regarding each of the 3 paths of the model are delineated in the following section.

Moral Incongruence Path

People experiencing moral incongruence–related distress reported higher levels of self-perceived addiction and problematic pornography use. This confirms the prediction of the authors of the PPMI model^3,31 regarding the role that moral incongruence plays in shaping the self-appraisals of self-perceived addiction²⁴ and extends it to more general problematic pornography use symptoms. However, the prediction of the model is that moral incongruence should be the stronger predictor of self-perceived addiction to pornography than frequency of use and dysregulation,^3,31 which is not confirmed by our findings. Our results are more in line with recent work showing that frequency of pornography use is a stronger predictor of self-perceived addiction to pornography than moral incongruence²⁶ (refer also to the study by Lewczuk et al²⁷ for an analysis conducted on the same sample as the present study). It is also possible that the lower impact of moral incongruence–related distress on self-perceived addiction is at least partially caused by a slightly lower level of moral disapproval of pornography use in the current Polish sample, compared with, for example, a representative sample of U.S. adults.²⁵ In our study, 20.5% of participants who used pornography in their lifetime agreed that pornography use is morally wrong (answer options ranged from “somewhat agree” to “strongly agree”), while the same answer was given by 24% of Americans. Moreover, based on the same measure, U.S. participants declared to be slightly more religious on average (M = 4.10, SD = 1.95²⁵) than Polish participants in the current sample (M = 3.81, SD = 1.84), which may also explain the weaker impact of the moral incongruence path on self-perceived pornography addiction than the PPMI model based mostly on research performed on the U.S. predicts.

In addition, moral incongruence–related distress was more strongly connected to problematic pornography use than to self-perception of addiction. A possible explanation for this pattern is that, compared with self-perceived addiction, problematic pornography use encompasses a broader group of cognitive and affective consequences and determinants of pornography use. One of them is increased levels of guilt regarding pornography use, which can be a consequence of moral incongruence.²⁰ One of the 5 statements in the BPS,³⁴ which was an indicator of problematic pornography use in our study, reads “You continue to use pornography even though you feel guilty about it.” The relation between self-labeling as an addict and moral incongruence–related distress is theoretically not as close as in other studies, which is reflected by our findings.

Next, our results generally confirmed the specifics of the chain of influence between morality-related variables, although not without a caveat. More religious people were more inclined to see pornography use as morally reprehensible and were more prone to experiencing feelings of incongruence between own sexual behavior and adopted beliefs, attitudes, and norms. The impact of religion was not strong in these cases, as our method of measuring it does not directly invoke a religious context (see the Introduction section for more information on this issue). As expected, distress connected to behavior-attitudes misalignment was determined by 2 additional factors: frequency of the behavior (frequency of pornography use) and restrictiveness of the attitudes (moral disapproval of pornography; refer to the study by Grubbs et al³). However, although religiosity and moral disapproval significantly predicted moral incongruence–related distress, their contribution was somewhat limited. Other possible predictors should be investigated, both connected to other sources of norms that can determine disapproval of pornography, for example, sociopolitical views, religious fundamentalism^53,54 or certain branches of feminism,⁵⁵ as well as variables related to the awareness and sensitivity to own behaviors being incongruent with own beliefs, attitudes, and internalized norms (eg, self, awareness, concern over mistakes, perfectionism, the centrality of the norms that motivate attitudes toward pornography and sexuality). Here, we echo the suggestions that were voiced by other authors in their commentaries for the model.^19,22

In addition, our results showed that, controlling for other variables, more religious people declared higher levels of problematic pornography use. The influence of religiosity on problematic pornography use was weak, but present—which is in agreement with at least a significant portion of previous studies showing a weak, positive relationship between religiosity and problematic pornography use symptoms^25,26 (refer also to the study by Lewczuk et al²⁷). A corresponding relation was not found for self-perceptions of addiction.

Habits of Use Path

Frequency of pornography use was the strongest predictor of self-perceived addiction in model 1 and of problematic pornography use in model 2. This indicates that the self-appraisal of pornography-related problems does not merely rely on perceiving this behavior as transgressing one's personal norms, that is, it is not a function of mere convictions (refer to the discussion in the study by Humphreys⁵⁶). A significant portion of the variance is better explained by the frequency of use, which validates the disorder model of problematic pornography use and is similar to the symptomology of at least some cases of substance use disorders and other behavioral addictions, for which excessive use during at least some part of the course of the disorder is a definitional criterion (refer to the study by Kraus et al¹ and Potenza et al⁵⁷). Frequency of pornography use was also a significant predictor of problematic pornography use, although its influence was slightly weaker than for self-perception of addiction (β = 0.43 vs β = 0.52). This is understandable, given that problematic use has a broader scope than self-perception of addiction, encompassing not only excessive pornography use but also loss of control, using pornography as a coping mechanism and guilt connected to pornography use.³⁴

Dysregulation Path

Avoidant coping style was an indicator of dysregulation in our model. People using an avoidant coping style more frequently were also more inclined to see themselves as pornography addicts and had a higher severity of symptoms of problematic pornography use. This is in line with previous research, which showed the specific importance of an avoidant coping style for problematic sexual behavior.39, 40, 41 This result is also in agreement with studies showing that engagement in sexual behaviors itself can constitute an avoidance strategy (eg, avoiding negative emotions associated with other areas of one's life). However, the impact on avoidant coping for both dependent variables was weak (β = 0.15, P < .001) and was not stronger for problematic pornography use than for self-appraisals of addiction. This can be considered surprising, as problematic pornography use has a pornography-as-coping component (“You find yourself using pornography to cope with strong emotions, eg, sadness, anger, loneliness, etc.” is one of BPS items that operationalized problematic pornography use in our study).

Implications for the Shape of the Model and Future Research

Our findings indicate that the PPMI model can serve as a general model of factors contributing to self-perception of pornography addiction and problematic pornography use. However, the dysregulation path is underdeveloped in the current version of the model. This has also been pointed out by other researchers.¹⁶ This path should be delineated with more detail and extended. In their initial proposition of the model, Grubbs et al³ focused on moral incongruence–related factors describing the dysregulation path with less detail. This approach is understandable as moral incongruence is a central focus of the model. However, as a consequence, the current conceptualization of the PPMI model places all dysregulation-related factors (such as emotion dysregulation, impulsivity, coping, compulsivity) into one general and unspecified category and abstains from depicting mechanisms of influence between these variables, ascribing them differential degrees of importance or depicting relations between dysregulation-related variables and moral incongruence–related variables. Such relations have been proposed by others^16,22 and are also visible in our analysis, as avoidant coping was connected to moral incongruence–related distress (r = 0.21, P < .001) possibly indicating that avoidant coping strategies can serve as a way of dealing with moral incongruence.

As the PPMI model was initially validated in the present study, we postulate that it should be extended and possibly reshaped into an even more ambitious, general model in which dysregulation-related variables will be treated with the same degree of carefulness as morality-related ones. To achieve this, specific models—such as the current version of the PPMI model—should be merged with broader models (eg, I-PACE model^12,58) that go into more detail regarding behavior dysregulation–related factors, but, as of now, neglect the role of morality-related variables. It seems that only this approach would allow for the full picture of factors influencing both lay self-perceptions of addiction and problematic pornography use to be accounted for. These 2 branches of research should not and cannot develop separately because of their possible mutual influence.^16,22 Because of this interdependence, the shape of the moral incongruence path cannot be definitively established when the dysregulation-related side of the model is underdeveloped.

In future studies, other indicators of general dysregulation (eg, impulsivity, maladaptive emotion regulation, perfectionism) should be tested within the PPMI model to extend and provide further support for the discussed framework. Such an extension seems to have been predicted and welcomed by the authors of the model,³¹ which we fully agree with.

Another issue worth pointing out is that our analysis is based on a populational sample. One of the important future directions for further research is to also verify the model based on clinical samples, experiencing a clinical level of symptoms of problematic pornography. This is crucially important because the significance of factors predicting problematic pornography use can change the clinical level, compared with populational investigations. Future studies should also apply the PPMI model to CSBD recognized in the ICD-11^13,14 when screening measures for this disorder become available for use. We agree with other researchers who suggested studying behavior-norms misalignment for sexual behaviors other than problematic pornography use,²⁰ which may lead to an extension of the model to explain general problematic sexual behavior symptoms.

Additional concerns about the issue of operationalizing moral incongruence vs moral disapproval of pornography use (see Material and Methods section) and self-perceived addiction vs disordered pornography use based on formal clinical definitions (such as problematic pornography use, see the Introduction section) were noted in the earlier parts of the manuscript.

The current research extends research on the PPMI model to another cultural context, namely, Polish participants. However, Poland shares cultural similarities with the United States as it is a predominantly Christian country (77.3% of participants in the current analysis declared being Catholic). Future research should further validate the model, based on different religious and cultural circles.

Limitations

Some of the limitations of the present study were already noted (single dysregulation-related factor). We also note that the present work is based on cross-sectional research design, which precludes analyses of directionality or causality. That is, although the present work is consistent with the PPMI, without longitudinal observations that examine trajectories of these variables over time, it is impossible to conclusively evaluate any model of problematic pornography use. Finally, we did not include a definition of pornography for the participants in the online survey.

Users with nonproblematic low-frequency pornography use are around 68–73% of all users, nonproblematic high-frequency pornography users are approx 19–29% & problematic high-frequency users are around 3–8% of the total

Bőthe B, Tóth-Király I, Potenza MN, et al. High-Frequency Pornography Use May Not Always Be Problematic. J Sex Med 2020;XX:XXX–XXX. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsxm.2020.01.007

Abstract
Background  Previously, variable-centered analytic approaches showed positive, weak-to-moderate associations between frequency of pornography use (FPU) and problematic pornography use (PPU). However, person-centered studies are sparse in the literature, and these could provide insight into whether there are individuals who use pornography frequently and do not experience problems or whether there are individuals with comparable high-frequency use who differ on reported experiencing of negative consequences.

Aim  The aims of the present study were (i) to identify profiles of pornography use based on FPU and PPU by applying a person-centered analytic approach and (ii) to examine whether the identified profiles could be distinguished based on theoretically relevant demographic and psychological constructs.

Methods  Latent profile analyses were conducted on 3 nonclinical samples recruited from general websites and a pornography site (study 1: N = 14,006; study 2: N = 483; study 3: N = 672).

Results  Results were consistent across all studies. 3 distinct pornography-use profiles emerged: nonproblematic low-frequency pornography use (68–73% of individuals), nonproblematic high-frequency pornography use (19–29% of individuals), and problematic high-frequency use (3–8% of individuals). Nonproblematic and problematic high-frequency-use groups showed differences in several constructs (ie, hypersexuality, depressive symptoms, boredom susceptibility, self-esteem, uncomfortable feelings regarding pornography, and basic psychological needs).

Clinical Translation  FPU should not be considered as a sufficient or reliable indicator of PPU because the number of people with nonproblematic high-frequency use was 3–6 times higher than that with problematic high-frequency use. These results suggest that individuals with PPU use pornography frequently; however, FPU may not always be problematic.

Strengths & Limitations  Self-report cross-sectional methods have possible biases that should be considered when interpreting findings (eg, underreporting or overreporting). However, the present research included 3 studies and involved large community samples and visitors of a pornography website. The present study is the first that empirically investigated pornography-use profiles with a wide range of correlates using both severity of PPU and FPU as profile indicators on specific and general samples.

Conclusion  The present study is a first step in the differentiated examination of pornography-use profiles, taking into consideration both PPU and FPU, and it provides a foundation for further clinical and large-scale studies. Different psychological mechanisms may underlie the development and maintenance of FPU with or without PPU, suggesting different treatment approaches. Therefore, the present results may guide clinical work when considering reasons for seeking treatment for PPU.

Check also Lewczuk, K., Glica, A., Nowakowska, I., et al. Evaluating Pornography Problems Due to Moral Incongruence Model. J Sex Med 2020;17:300–311. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/02/moral-incongruence-self-perceived.html

The War on Porn Is Back: Conservatives hope to renew their old alliance with radical feminists

The War on Porn Is Back: Conservatives hope to renew their old alliance with radical feminists. Katherine Mangu-Ward. Mar 2020 issue. https://reason.com/2020/02/06/the-war-on-porn-is-back/

"If you want better men by any standard, there is every reason to regard ubiquitous pornography as an obstacle," declared New York Times columnist Ross Douthat in a 2018 column bluntly headlined "Let's Ban Porn."

In this, as in many things, Douthat was ahead of the conservative intellectual curve by a year or two. And in this, as in many things, he was dangerously wrong.

In due course, Douthat has been joined by the folks at the Christian journal First Things, who have taken up the anti-pornography banner as part of their peculiar subvariant of a resurgent interest in nationalism among traditionalist conservatives. In last year's manifesto, "Against the Dead Consensus," a clutch of First Things friends and familiars reject "economic libertarianism" and "the soulless society of individual affluence" and add that they "respectfully decline to join with those who would resurrect warmed-over Reaganism." Which makes it all the more disconcerting when they turn around and immediately kneel before the scolding ghost of Ed Meese.

As attorney general, Meese sought to deliver on Reagan's 1987 threat to "purveyors" of obscene material that the "industry's days are numbered." It was Meese who pulled together the first National Obscenity Enforcement Unit. (One surprising and familiar name also crops up in the tale: then–assistant attorney general and recent Libertarian Party vice presidential pick William F. Weld, who was given the task of bringing together various agencies for the task force.)

Meese's bill of grievances against the relatively constrained pornography of his day—which he credited in a speech to a report from a federal Commission on Pornography convened the previous year—will sound alarmingly familiar to readers of Douthat and First Things. He asserts "that violence, far from being an altogether separate category of pornography, is involved with almost all of it; that there are empirically verifiable connections between pornography and violent sex-related crimes; that the pornography industry is a brutal one that exploits and often ruins the lives of its 'performers' as well as its consumers, and that the 'performers' often include abused children and people plied with hard drugs; that whether or not it is directly imitated by those who consume it, pornography has a deleterious effect on what its consumers view as normal and healthy."

The effort was, in some sense, successful. By 1990, the Department of Justice had managed to use obscenity statutes to force seven national porn distributors out of business. But the decades that followed were boom times for porn as the industry moved into new forms of distribution, so the success was far from permanent.

In a rare moment of sanity in 2011, the Justice Department shuttered what had come to be known as the Obscenity Prosecution Task Force, resulting in the delightful Politico headline "Holder accused of neglecting porn" and a harrumph from peeved conservatives, who vowed to reverse the Obama administration's decision as soon as they could.

In December, four Republican congressmen wrote a letter to Attorney General William Barr asking his Justice Department to do just that by prioritizing obscenity prosecutions.

"The Internet and other evolving technologies are fueling the explosion of obscene pornography by making it more accessible and visceral," they wrote. "This explosion in pornography coincides with an increase in violence towards women and an increase in the volume of human trafficking as well as child pornography. Victims are not limited to those directly exploited, however, and include society writ large."

Like herpes, the war on porn flares up when the body politic is compromised or stressed. Both in the 1980s and today, cherry-picked social science write-ups purposely conflate "addicts" and users, assert connections between porn and violence at a time of increasing porn consumption and decreasing violence, and offer terrifying but unsubstantiated stories about brain damage and erectile dysfunction in the nation's young men. Such coverage fuels the porn panic even as the predicted hairy-palmed decline of the U.S. fails to materialize.

The proposed crackdown fits nicely with the nationalist agenda, which is focused—as nationalists tend to be—on purity. As has too often been the case historically, a campaign for moral purity can slide awfully smoothly into efforts to preserve ethnic purity, as Reason's Elizabeth Nolan Brown documents in her cover story on the current panic over Asian-run massage parlors.

In his 1987 speech, Meese was careful to limn the distinction between pornography and obscenity, acknowledging that only the latter is subject to prosecution per the Supreme Court's clear instruction.

By contrast, at the end of 2019, Reason's Damon Root was compelled to publish a basic explainer about the First Amendment protections afforded to material that fails the three-pronged Miller test of obscenity. Too many would-be porn banners have simply ignored the legal guardrails the Court provided.

The porn-banning conservatives, though newly impatient with their former allies on the libertarian side of the spectrum, are often the same folks who were quite recently willing to fight bans on smoking, extra-large sodas, and trans fats to the death, and who would never entertain a return to alcohol prohibition.

There are people on the left, of course, who would forbid porn along with the rest of that list and much more as well, and Catholic writer Sohrab Ahmari would happily make common cause with them: "Conservatives must partner with anti-porn feminists. We won't agree on everything, but imagine how powerful such an alliance could be," he tweeted in December.

The utterly unfunny joke, of course, is that we don't need to imagine such an alliance. It was indeed a powerful force in 1980s politics, with rhetoric crafted by feminists Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon furnishing talking points for Reagan and Meese. In 1984, legislation defining pornography as a violation of women's civil rights was passed with the support of conservatives on the Indianapolis city council and signed into law by a Republican mayor. (It was later struck down in the courts.)

Conservative firebrand Phyllis Schlafly borrowed from Dworkin in her 1987 book Pornography's Victims: "Those who become addicted crave more and more bizarre and more perverted pornography, and become more callous toward their victims. Pornography changes the perceptions and attitudes of men toward women, individually and collectively, and desensitizes men so that what was once repulsive and unthinkable eventually becomes not only acceptable but desirable. What was once fantasy becomes reality. Thus conditioned and stimulated by pornography, the user seeks a victim."

Douthat has noted that porn is "a product," which he helpfully defines as "something made and distributed and sold, and therefore subject to regulation and restriction if we so desire."

"We are rightfully skeptical of government overreach, but I think we take that skepticism so far that we're skeptical of even using political power when we have it for ends that we think are valuable," Hillbilly Elegy author and conservative golden boy J.D. Vance explained in a podcast episode taped following a July conference on national conservatism that brought together the new movement's leading lights. "And I do think that we have to get over that, and we have to recognize that when people entrust us with political power to solve problems we should at least try to solve them." Suffice it to say that in political rhetoric, as in pornography, everything before the but should be ignored.

To do as Ahmari wishes and "fight the culture war with the aim of defeating the enemy and enjoying the spoils in the form of a public square re-ordered to the common good and ultimately the Highest Good" will not eliminate vice, nor will it eliminate the production and consumption of porn. As with all prohibitions, a ban would discourage generally law-abiding and nonproblematic users while driving more committed or addicted users to darker places to find what they want. Meanwhile, more committed producers, taking on more risk, would likely produce more outré content. The new war on porn is a dangerous symptom of a recurring delusion on both the left and the right that men can be reshaped by the state into better versions of themselves.

Check also Pornography Use: What Do Cross-Cultural Patterns Tell Us? David L. Rowland, Dudbeth Uribe. In: Cultural Differences and the Practice of Sexual Medicine pp 317-334. January 28 2020. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/02/all-religious-etchnic-and-racial-groups.html

And Behind Closed Doors: Individual and Joint Pornography Use Among Romantic Couples. Brian J. Willoughby & Nathan D. Leonhardt. The Journal of Sex Research, Volume 57, 2020 - Issue 1, Pages 77-91. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/01/individual-joint-pornography-use-among.html

The Prevalence of Paraphilic Interests in the Czech Population: Preference, Arousal, the Use of Pornography, Fantasy, and Behavior. Klára Bártová et al. The Journal of Sex Research, Jan 9 2020. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/01/the-prevalence-of-paraphilic-interests.html

Life: Seen as more satisfying, more meaningful, & characterized to a greater extent by more intense positive & negative emotions when reflecting on life in general than when reflecting on daily life in real time

Global reports of well-being overestimate aggregated daily states of well-being. David B. Newman,Norbert Schwarz &Arthur A. Stone. The Journal of Positive Psychology , Feb 5 2020. https://doi.org/10.1080/17439760.2020.1725608

ABSTRACT: Researchers can characterize people’s well-being by asking them to provide global evaluations of large parts of their life at one time or by obtaining repeated assessments during their daily lives. Global evaluations are reconstructions that are influenced by peak, recent, and frequently occurring states, whereas daily reports reflect naturally occurring variations in daily life. The present research compared the averages of individual global evaluations and corresponding aggregated daily states from an ordinary two-week period and used a range of well-being measures (life satisfaction, meaning in life, and affect) and related constructs (searching for meaning in life and nostalgia). Across all measures, global reports were significantly higher than aggregated daily states. That is, life is considered more satisfying, more meaningful, and is characterized to a greater extent by more intense positive and negative emotions when reflecting on life in general than when reflecting on daily life in real time.

KEYWORDS: Well-being, daily diary, ecological validity, global evaluations, emotion

Watching eyes do not stop dogs stealing food: evidence against a general risk-aversion hypothesis for the watching-eye effect

Watching eyes do not stop dogs stealing food: evidence against a general risk-aversion hypothesis for the watching-eye effect. Patrick Neilands, Rebecca Hassall, Frederique Derks, Amalia P. M. Bastos & Alex H. Taylor. Scientific Reports volume 10, Article number: 1153. January 24 2020. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-020-58210-4

Abstract: The presence of pictures of eyes reduces antisocial behaviour in humans. It has been suggested that this ‘watching-eye’ effect is the result of a uniquely human sensitivity to reputation-management cues. However, an alternative explanation is that humans are less likely to carry out risky behaviour in general when they feel like they are being watched. This risk-aversion hypothesis predicts that other animals should also show the watching-eye effect because many animals behave more cautiously when being observed. Dogs are an ideal species to test between these hypotheses because they behave in a risk-averse manner when being watched and attend specifically to eyes when assessing humans’ attentional states. Here, we examined if dogs were slower to steal food in the presence of pictures of eyes compared to flowers. Dogs showed no difference in the latency to steal food between the two conditions. This finding shows that dogs are not sensitive to watching-eyes and is not consistent with a risk-aversion hypothesis for the watching-eye effect.

Analysis

The latency to approach the food was recorded in both the ‘Go’ and ‘Leave’ trials. Latency was timed from the point that the owner gave the command until the dog had eaten the food. An additional coder, blind to condition, coded the approach latency for 40% of the sample. The high intra-class correlation (ICC = 0.99) indicates excellent levels of agreement between coders. To analyse the data, we constructed several mixed-effects Bayesian ANOVA models. The factors included in these models were Trial Type (Leave vs Go), Condition (Eye vs Flower), and a Trial Type*Condition interaction. Due to the repeated-measures aspect of the design (all dogs took part in both a ‘Go’ and ‘Leave’ trial), participant was included as a random effect in all models. Each model was compared to a null model, which only contained participant as a random effect. Additionally, an analysis of effects was carried out to determine the inclusion BF for each individual factor. Inclusion BFs are calculated by comparing the fit of models containing the factor against the fit of models not containing that factor. BF_incl > 3 indicate that including a factor substantially increases model fit while BF_incl < 0.333 indicates a factor substantially decreases model fit. Each model was constructed with objective priors of prior width (r) = 1 for fixed effects and r = 0.5 for random effects.
As the extent to which humans attended to images of eyes appeared to affect their likelihood of showing the watching-eye effect²¹, we re-ran this analysis but included the proportion of time that the dogs looked at the picture as a covariate for each model. Each model was compared to a null model which contained participant as a random effect and proportion of time looking at the picture as a covariate. Again, models were constructed with objective priors of r = 1 for fixed effects and r = 0.5 for random effects.
Additionally, in order to specifically get at our comparison of interest, we compared the ‘Leave’ latency in both conditions after adjusting for differences in individual dogs’ approach speed. This adjustment was made by subtracting the ‘Go’ latency from the ‘Leave’. If the dogs display the watching-eye effect, we would predict that the adjusted latency would be higher in the eyes condition than in the flowers condition. Comparisons between the adjusted ‘Leave’ latencies were analysed using a Bayesian independent-samples t-test. The prior distribution for the alternative hypothesis was a Cauchy half-distribution, centred on an effect size of 0, with r = 0.707. All analyses were carried out using JASP 0.10.0.0 (JASP team, 2019.) This study design was pre-registered (http://aspredicted.org/blind.php?x=j6er8v). It should be noted using the Go trial as a baseline to adjust the dogs’ Leave latencies meant it was necessary to have the owners give the ‘Go’ command on the same trial. Whilst this means that it is impossible to fully disentangle the effect of the command on the dogs’ latency to approach food from order effect, we concluded that the extreme implausibility that dogs would approach food slower on a 2^nd trial after being able to take it without punishment in the previous trials made this a worthwhile trade-off.

Preparation hypothesis: Women’s indiscriminate genital responses do not indicate or necessarily promote sexual interest & motivation, but rather prepare the vaginal lumen for possible sexual activity & therefore prevent injuries

The Empirical Status of the Preparation Hypothesis: Explicating Women’s Genital Responses to Sexual Stimuli in the Laboratory. Martin L. Lalumière, Megan L. Sawatsky, Samantha J. Dawson & Kelly D. Suschinsky. Archives of Sexual Behavior, February 5 2020. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-019-01599-5

Abstract: Research conducted in our laboratory and in other laboratories has revealed that (1) women’s genital responses to visual and auditory stimuli are strongly affected by the presence of sexual cues, but that (2) specific sexual cues (e.g., gender of actors, the presence of sexual violence) often have little impact on the magnitude of the responses—that is, similar genital responses are observed to very different sexual stimuli. In addition, (3) women’s genital responses do not strongly correspond with self-reported sexual partner and activity preferences, or (4) with self-reported sexual arousal during the presentation of sexual stimuli. Taken together, these facts represent a puzzle, especially considering that men’s genital responses are highly affected by specific sexual cues and strongly correspond to stated preferences and self-reported sexual arousal. One hypothesis to explain female low cue-specificity and low concordance (relative to men) is the preparation hypothesis: Women’s indiscriminate genital responses serve a protective function. That is, they do not indicate or necessarily promote sexual interest and motivation, but rather prepare the vaginal lumen for possible sexual activity and therefore prevent injuries that may occur as a result of penetration. We review evidence for and against this hypothesis. We conclude that the evidence is favorable but not entirely convincing, and more work is required to reach a firm conclusion. We offer directions for future research.

Sexual Chemosignals: Evidence that Men Process Olfactory Signals of Women’s Sexual Arousal

Sexual Chemosignals: Evidence that Men Process Olfactory Signals of Women’s Sexual Arousal. Arnaud Wisman & Ilan Shrira. Archives of Sexual Behavior, February 5 2020. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-019-01588-8

Abstract: Research suggests that humans can communicate emotional states (e.g., fear, sadness) via chemosignals. However, thus far little is known about whether sexual arousal can also be conveyed through chemosignals and how these signals might influence the receiver. In three experiments, and a subsequent mini meta-analysis, support was found for the hypothesis that men can process the scent of sexually aroused women and that exposure to these sexual chemosignals affect the subsequent perceptions and sexual motivation of men. Specifically, Experiment 1 revealed that men evaluate the axillary sweat of sexually aroused women as more attractive, compared to the scent of the same women when not sexually aroused. In addition, Experiment 2 showed that exposure to sexual chemosignals increased the men’s sexual arousal. Experiment 3 found support for the thesis that exposure to sexual chemosignals would increase sexual motivation. As predicted, men devoted greater attention to and showed greater interest in mating with women who displayed sexual cues (e.g., scantily dressed, in seductive poses). By contrast, exposure to the sexual chemosignals did not alter males’ attention and mating interest toward women who displayed no sexual cues. It is discussed how sexual chemosignals may function as an additional channel in the communication of sexual interest and how contextual factors can influence the dynamics of human sexual communication.

General Discussion

The present studies provide support for the hypothesis that men are sensitive to olfactory signals of sexual arousal released by women. Overall, Experiments 1–3 and a subsequent mini meta-analysis found that men evaluated the scent of sexually aroused women as relatively more attractive. Experiment 2 showed that these sexual chemosignals increased men’s self-reported sexual arousal. Finally, Experiment 3 found support for the hypothesis that the sexual chemosignals increased men’s attention to and interest in women who displayed sexual cues. Specifically, men spent relatively more time looking at women who displayed sexual cues, and were more motivated to mate with them. Taken together, the current findings are among the first to show that that women’s sexual arousal led to the release of a distinctive scent that increases men’s sexual motivation.
These findings are consistent with numerous studies, showing that emotional states (e.g., fear, disgust, sadness) produce olfactory signals that orient nearby recipients to the immediate environment and sensitize them to emotionally consistent cues (de Groot et al., 2012; Gelstein et al., 2011; Pause, 2012; Zhou & Chen, 2008). Sexual arousal in particular is both socially and fitness-relevant states, and there are clear interpersonal benefits to its communication for both the sender and the recipient, such as the signaling and detection of mating opportunities, as well as synchronizing mating behavior between partners (Schaller, Park, & Kenrick, 2007). The current research expands on the existing literature by showing that olfactory messages may serve as an additional channel of communication between humans, and in relevant mating contexts, sexual chemosignals may be released along with corresponding visual and auditory expressions of sexual interest to produce a stronger overall signal.
Interestingly, recent research by Hoffmann (2019) also found support for the thesis that men can process the scent of sexually aroused women. Specifically, men were exposed to axillary sweat (collected from women who were sexually aroused vs. not aroused) while the men listened to erotic stories, and the findings showed that the sexual scents elicited greater genital arousal in the men. However, this effect was only detected in response to female scents collected during the luteal phase of their cycle, but not their follicular phase. In contrast to the current studies, Hoffmann (2019) did not find an effect of female scent on men’s self-reported sexual arousal and sexual interest. Those results may have diverged from the findings reported here because of several procedural differences between the two research paradigms. Notably, in our experiments, the scent samples were collected and presented to recipients under different conditions. For instance, the female scent donors in our studies briefly exercised at the start of the experiment to create a similar base rate of physiological arousal in both conditions, in order to control for physiological arousal that is also elevated during sexual arousal. Additionally, in Experiments 2 and 3, men’s sexual arousal was assessed after exposing them to a block of multiple scent samples from either scent condition, rather than each time after exposure to one scent sample. Finally, the current experiments did not present male recipients with any additional sexual stimuli (i.e., an erotic story) in conjunction with the chemosensory primes (Hoffmann, 2019). Whether or not any of these factors contributed to the different findings is an important empirical question that deserves future investigation.
Most studies have examined emotional chemosignals secreted by the axillary regions because they are dense with apocrine glands that produce sweat in response to activation of the sympathetic nervous system (de Groot, Semin, & Smeets, 2014). However, apart from perspiration, there are other volatile body fluids (e.g., urine, sperm, lacrimal fluid) that likely play roles in olfactory signaling (Pause, 2012). For instance, research has shown that exposure to scents from the vulvar area (collected during the periovulatory phase) can increase testosterone secretion and sexual interest in men (Cerda-Molina et al., 2013). In light of the current findings, it would therefore be worth testing whether women’s sexual arousal level moderates men’s responses to scents from the vulvar area.
Additionally, it would be interesting to examine the influence of the context in which men are exposed to female scents. For example, as mentioned earlier, some research paradigms have primed a sexual context when exposing recipients to the scent stimuli (Alves-Oliveira et al., 2018; Hoffmann, 2019). That is, male scent recipients listened to an erotic story or watched audiovisual stimuli (Alves-Oliveira et al., 2018) during exposure to the scents, before measuring the men’s sexual arousal. Thus, men’s reactions to the sexual scents in these studies were always a product of both the olfactory and audiovisual stimuli. In contrast, our experiments showed that the olfactory stimuli alone can elicit a sexual response in recipients, in the absence of a conceptually similar prime in a different sensory modality. Although our findings highlight that sexual chemosignals alone can prime male sexual motivation, it is unclear whether additional sexual priming via different sensory modalities can elicit stronger sexual responses in men. Thus, future research may wish to further investigate the role of priming multiple sensory modalities on how recipients are influenced by sexual chemosignals.
The current research is not without limitations. Although the indices of sexual arousal and sexual motivation used in Experiments 2 and 3 established that men respond to female chemosignals, future work would do well to examine a wider range of measurements of subjective and physiological sexual arousal (e.g., Ciardha, Attard-Johnson, & Bindemann, 2018; Janssen, Prause, & Geer, 2007; Kukkonen, Binik, Amsel, & Carrier, 2007; Laws, 2009; McPhail et al., 2019). In addition, while our studies did not take the donors’ menstrual cycle into account, the recent findings of Hoffmann (2019) highlight that there is scope to further investigate the interaction between menstrual cycle phase and women’s axillary chemosignals, and the influence of these signals on male sexual arousal (see Hoffmann, 2019, for a full discussion of the results). Additionally, future research in chemosignal research would benefit from considering procedural differences in order to understand which factors tend to enhance and mitigate the effects of sexual chemosignals on recipients (Pause, 2012). Moreover, it is perhaps worth considering how sexual arousal chemosignals interact with individual factors we did not specifically examine, such as testosterone levels (Gangestad, Thornhill, & Garver-Apgar, 2010; Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999), or individual differences in disgust sensitivity (Haidt, McCauley, & Rozin, 1994; Stevenson, Case, & Oaten, 2011). Finally, future work could include a wider range of measures to monitor the emotions of the scent donors and the scent recipients during the experiment (de Groot et al., 2015b; Mitchell, DiBartolo, Brown, & Barlow, 1998).
Consistent with the growing evidence that emotional states can be communicated through scent, our findings provide evidence that humans can signal and process olfactory signals of sexual arousal. Importantly, the results showed that perceiving these sexual chemosignals alters the scent receiver’s sexual arousal and their interest and preference for potential mates. Informed by the present findings, we can envision a dynamic exchange of olfactory signals that, combined with corresponding visual and auditory expressions, are communicated between men and women during mating encounters. These encounters may thus entail more than meets the eye and we hope that the current findings encourage further research to examine the role of sexual olfactory signals in human communication.

Investigating Google's suicide-prevention efforts in celebrity suicides: Celebrities who die by suicide can elicit relatively strong copycat effects, but Google never displayed preventive information in celebrity-suicide-related searches

Investigating Google's suicide-prevention efforts in celebrity suicides using agent-based testing: A cross-national study in four European countries. Florian Arendt, Mario Haim, Sebastian Scherr. Social Science & Medicine, February 5 2020, 112692. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2019.112692

Highlights
•    Celebrities who die by suicide can elicit relatively strong copycat effects.
•    Internet search engines may play an increasingly important role for suicide prevention.
•    Google's suicide-prevention result (SPR) presents preventive information.
•    Yet Google never displayed SPRs in celebrity-suicide-related searches.
•    Higher SPR display rates may contribute to saving the lives of vulnerable users.

Abstract
Rationale Google can act as a “gatekeeper” for individuals who seek suicide-related information online (e.g., “how to kill oneself”). The search engine displays a “suicide-prevention result” (SPR) at the very top of some suicide-related search results. This SPR comes as an info box and contains supposedly helpful crisis help information such as references to a telephone counseling service.

Objective It remains unknown, however, how Google has implemented the SPR in the especially dangerous context of celebrity suicide for which imitational copycat suicides in vulnerable individuals are most likely.

Method Relying on agent-based testing, a computational social science method, we emulated a total of 137,937 Google searches in April 2019, using both general suicide-related and specific celebrity suicide-related search terms. Given the recently discovered language-based differences in SPR display rates, we held the language constant and focused on German-speaking populations in four European countries.

Results The SPR was never shown in searches for celebrities who died by suicide in all four countries. Furthermore, analyses indicated a digital divide in access to suicide-prevention information with moderately high SPR display rates in Germany and Switzerland, yet with no display in Austria and Belgium.

Conclusion Higher SPR display rates could support global suicide-prevention efforts at virtually no cost by providing preventive information to vulnerable users precisely at the moment when it is apparently needed.