Chimpanzees both revealed a substantially higher frequency of general mirror-related behaviors & engaged in significantly more and longer behaviors indicating self recognition when provided with small mirrors

Small mirrors do the trick: A simple, but effective method to study mirror self-recognition in chimpanzees. Kathrin S. Kopp et al. Accepted for publication in Animal Behavior and Cognition (October 17 2020). https://pure.mpg.de/rest/items/item_3261664/component/file_3261665/content

Abstract: Mirror self-recognition (MSR) is considered an indicator of self-awareness. Standardized mirror tests reveal compelling evidence for MSR in a few non-human species, including all great apes. However, substantial inter-individual variation of MSR within species resulted in an ongoing methodological controversy, questioning the appropriateness of standard MSR tests for cross-species comparisons. Especially lack of motivation is discussed as one possible cause for false negative results. Here, we compare the spontaneous behavioral response of 47 zoo-housed chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) to (i) standard body-sized, stationary mirrors and (ii) small, portable hand mirrors. We predicted that the monopolizability and maneuverability of small mirrors increase the chances of identifying MSR across a larger proportion of individuals. Chimpanzees both revealed a substantially higher frequency of general mirror-related behaviors and engaged in significantly more and longer behaviors specifically indicating MSR when provided with small mirrors compared to a large mirror. Handheld mirrors provide a more sensitive measure for MSR within and likely between primate species than the traditional large mirrors, nd thereby are a potentially valuable tool for studying self-awareness across species.

Keywords: MSR, comparative cognitive research, primates, self-awareness, mirror test, cognition

Discussion

In the current study, we compared the traditional MSR test setup using a stationary, body-sized

mirror with an alternative setup using several portable, small hand mirrors. Corroborating our predictions,

chimpanzees interacted more with the small mirrors than with the large mirror, reflected by a higher

proportion of time spent with mirror-related behaviors and self-exploration. We found 12.8% more

individuals engaging in SE with the small mirrors than with the large mirrors in the short period of only

two hours for each condition. Taken together, our results support the hypothesis that this method

provides a more sensitive measure to detect MSR ability in chimpanzees and potentially other species

capable of maneuvering a mirror than the traditional approach. Including small, portable mirrors in

standardized comparative MSR tests will likely help to verify and potentially re-assess variation in MSR

previously found across and within species (de Veer & van den Bos, 1999; Gallup Jr. & Anderson, 2019).

As predicted in (P1) and corroborating early scarce descriptions of the behavior of capuchins and

chimpanzees (Anderson & Roeder, 1989; Köhler, 1926), our study revealed a substantially higher tendency

of chimpanzees to interact with maneuverable hand mirrors compared to a stationary body-sized mirror.

Being provided with unfamiliar, portable objects increases exploration and manipulation behavior in

captive primates(Paquette & Prescott, 1988; Westergaard & Fragaszy, 1985). Carrying a mirror away from

other chimpanzees to a place of their choice might facilitate intense mirror exploration with limited social

distraction. This opportunity might be reduced with a large, stationary mirror either because dominant

individuals can potentially monopolize it or because it is harder to position one’s body to observe difficultto-see body parts in a large mirror than to maneuver the handheld mirror to observe stationary body

parts. Related to the former, one might argue that the difference found was a result of having less

opportunity to get access to the large stationary mirror, especially for bigger social groups, than to one of

several small mirrors. However, our observations do not support this explanation. While small mirrors

were frequently picked up, carried around and explored, the area in front of the large mirror remained 

completely unoccupied on average 73% of the test time across groups. This suggests that the observed

difference is much more likely to be due to a greater interest in portable and maneuverable reflective

objects compared to a large stationary reflective surface, rather than to limited access to the large mirror

because of monopolization by particular individuals. Additionally, stationary mirrors force individuals to

spend time in a predefined area to engage with them, something not all individuals are keen to do. Mobile

mirrors allow for taking them to preferred spots and engaging with them at one’s own pace.

Furthermore, the different size of the two mirror types in relation to the body size of a chimpanzee

might have had an influence on their MRB. Unlike large mirrors, small mirrors do not reflect the whole

body, thus, the social stimulus properties of mirror-images (Anderson & Roeder, 1989) should be less

strong and therefore, less likely to trigger aggressive or fearful responses, which might constrain mirrorrelated interactions including SE (de Veer & van den Bos, 1999). Our finding that aggressive responses

were directed only towards large mirrors, predominantly by adult males, supports this interpretation. This

is importantto consider when examining MSR abilities in species with aggressive tendencies towards rivals

or potential mates.

In accordance with our prediction (P2), we observed more individuals engaging in SE and for a

greater proportion of time with the hand mirrors compared to the large mirrors. The chimpanzees were

exploring and interacting more frequently and extensively with the small mirrors compared to the large

ones. The small mirrors were directly accessible and could actively be manipulated and moved relative to

one’s own body. In doing so, chimpanzees had potentially more and varying opportunities to investigate

the reflective properties of the small mirrors and to detect contingencies between their own or other’s

movements and the reflection compared to large mirrors (Gallup Jr., 1994; Reiss & Morrison, 2017). This

in turn might have resulted in more spontaneous SE in the Small mirrorsthan in the Large mirror condition,

an indicator of MSR in great apes (Anderson & Gallup Jr., 2015; Gallup Jr., 1970, p. 1970; Lethmate &

Dücker, 1973; Povinelli et al., 1993). The objective of our study, however, was not to assess MSR abilities 

in chimpanzees, which has been done elsewhere (e.g., de Veer et al., 2003; Gallup Jr., 1970; Lin et al.,

1992; Mahovetz et al., 2016; Povinelli et al., 1993). Hence, we did not include control conditions to

determine MSR abilities, such as presenting mirror sized object without a reflective surface. Our aim was

to compare the effects of the Large mirror condition and the Small mirror condition on mirror-related

behaviors and thereby their suitability for MSR studies particularly in primates.

In that respect, we suggest that maneuverable hand mirrors offer a better tool to identify

spontaneous SE. When chimpanzees used the small mirrors for SE, they did not only touch otherwise not

or barely visible body parts (the classic criterion for SE), but held the mirror, moved and adjusted its

position, presumably to see the target body part. These directed mirror movements in combination with

manual exploration or actively opening of the mouth while looking at the reflection and following the

mirror with the gaze, are less ambiguous criteria to distinguish SE from not-mirror-guided self-directed

behavior (Heyes, 1994). Furthermore, the maneuverable small mirrors themselves had a highly reflective

and a non-reflective side. This offered a possibility to control whether self-directed behavior was mirrorguided or not by analyzing instances of self-directed behavior while looking at one side or the other.

Given the short period of total mirror exposure in our study compared to other studies (e.g.,

Povinelli et al., 1993), it is notable that we observed spontaneous SE in 42.6% of the chimpanzees (with

four immatures too young to show SE included in sample). However, we would not claim that we

demonstrated compelling evidence for MSR in all these individuals, especially because some of them

engaged in SE only once or twice and we did not include explicit control conditions. The point we want to

make here is that those individuals that showed SE only once and especially with a small mirror are likely

to demonstrate compelling evidence for MSR when studied with hand mirrors for a longer period of time.

Our results revealed an increased interest in the mirrors in the second compared to the first

condition, i.e., in the Small mirrors condition compared to the Large mirror condition, but a drop of 

interest in interacting with a mirror in the second session compared to the first session within conditions.

These findings are in line with our expectations and previous reports of novelty effects, resulting in higher

interest in interacting with novel objects and decreasing interest in the mirror over time in chimpanzees

and other primates (Anderson & Roeder, 1989; Gallup Jr., 1994; Povinelli et al., 1993). In contrast, they

do not suggest a substantial impact of a possible familiarity effect. We therefore argue that the greater

number of individuals demonstrating SE and the higher proportion of time spent with SE in the Small

mirrors condition compared to the Large mirror condition is more likely due to the substantially higher

amount of interactions with the mirror – and thereby increased opportunity to learn about the mirror –

than due to familiarity with the reflection accumulated during the presentation of the large mirror.

However, future studies on MSR abilities need to consider these potential influences and include

appropriate control measures.

Finally, there are practical advantages of using small hand mirrors. The method is easy to apply in

both simple mirror tests and the mark test (Gallup Jr., 1970). It is applicable in a social setting in the usual

enclosure and offers enrichment opportunities (Cronin et al., 2017). It is suitable for tests in various

primate species and potentially in other species capable of maneuvering a small mirror, as the size and

weight of the mirrors can be adapted to species-specific characteristics.

However, we are aware that the method proposed here is not generally applicable across

different taxa, because being able to hold and maneuver the mirror – either by hand, trunk or other means

– is a predisposition, which is not or not easily fulfilled in many species of interest, e.g., in marine

mammals, canines, ungulates without a trunk or birds (Vonk, 2020). While acknowledging this limitation,

we suggest that the proposed method has the potential to inform comparative research and to draw more

representative data of the capacity to recognize oneself in the mirror than large-mirror setups, not only

in chimpanzees, but across the primate order and potentially other species able to maneuver a hand 

mirror. Adequate cross-species methods are needed to aid our understanding of the evolutionary origins

of human self-awareness.

From 2017... From paranoid readings to post-capitalist futures: Move away from a capitalocentric understanding of online pornography towards a 'diverse economies' approach

From 2017... The diverse economies of online pornography: From paranoid readings to post-capitalist futures. Eleanor Wilkinson. Sexualities, Feb 8 2017. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363460716675141

Abstract: Anti-pornography campaigners have frequently claimed that porn studies need to take the economics of pornography seriously, yet often this amounts to little more than the idea that pornography is a capitalist product. This article brings together J.K Gibson-Graham’s work on post capitalism and Eve Sedgwick’s notion of ‘paranoid’ and ‘reparative’ reading in order to think about the performative effects of the narratives we use to talk about the pornography industry. It proposes a move away from a capitalocentric understanding of online pornography towards a ‘diverse economies’ approach: one that demonstrates the multitude of ways in which pornography exists outside of the rubric of capitalism. This helps to avoid the affective state of paranoia and helplessness that narratives of the all-powerful global porn industry so often create, whilst also allowing for a more nuanced understanding of the legal regulation of pornography. The article concludes with some thoughts as to how a diverse economies approach might better enable us to assess recent attempts to regulate online pornography within Britain, noting attempts at regulation may have an adverse effect on not-for-profit, amateur, or peer-to-peer pornography, whilst benefiting mainstream corporate pornography producers.

Keywords: Capitalism, censorship, economics, feminism, internet

Reparative readings and regulation

In order to think through what a more reparative reading of pornography might look like I turn to the work of J.K Gibson-Graham (1995, 1996, 2002, 2006). Like Sedgwick, Gibson-Graham helps us to think seriously about the performativity of knowledge; the stories we tell, how we envision power, and where we see resistance. What Gibson-Graham provide is a framework for a ‘post-capitalist’ politics – one that takes our research beyond a paranoid critique of global capitalism, towards a more reparative affirmation of non-capitalist, anti-capitalist, or not quite capitalist alternatives. A post-capitalist politics moves beyond a paranoid reading (one that simply highlights how powerful global capitalism is) to instead explore different types of non-capitalist economies. Gibson-Graham seek to generate a non-capitalocentric understanding of the economy by making non-capitalist activities both ‘visible and viable in the economic terrain’ (2002: 36). However, they ask us to do much more than simply acknowledge economic diversity. Rather, they propose a reevaluation of the ways in which global capitalism is so often positioned as unquestionably more powerful than non-capitalist alternatives. They challenge the stories in circulation about the relentless power of global capitalism, and contest the commonly held notion ‘that the force of globalization [is] inevitably more powerful than progressive, grassroots, local interventions’ (Gibson-Graham, 2002: 25). Thus a post-capitalist approach to pornography would aim to see the global pornography industry as a ‘hegemonic formation rather than as a fixed capitalist totality’ (Gibson-Graham, 1995: 275). Our political goal is therefore to destabilize the presumptions about the all-encompassing power of corporate global pornography. If the global power of porn is constructed and reproduced discursively, then we can see that an attempt to reassert porn as always capitalistic/always exploitative is deeply problematic. Gibson-Graham’s work helps to highlight how a capitalocentric approach to online pornography inadvertently helps to reinforce the power of the global the porn industry. Likewise, a capitalocentric approach will inevitably fail to recognize the non-capitalist economic exchanges that exist, and thrive, within cyberspace: for example, DIY amateur pornography, free pornography, pirated pornography, not-for-profit pornography, charity pornography, eco-pornography, ethical pornography and pornography cooperatives (Bell, 2010; Jacobs, 2007). Gibson-Graham’s work demonstrates how these marginalized economic alternatives to capitalist pornography production should never be dismissed as irrelevant or somehow separate from the ‘critical macro-level approach’ that scholars such as Dines (2011) are calling for. We hence need to challenge the idea that all online pornography is simply at the mercy of a (so-called) global pornography industry. That is, to envision these economic alternatives as potential sites of resistance, a place from which the apparent hegemony of the global commercial pornography industry can be challenged.

So what would it mean to begin to take seriously forms of pornography production and consumption that run counter to, or directly challenge, capitalist power? A diverse economies approach helps avoid the affective state of helplessness that the narratives of the all-powerful global porn industry so often create. Gibson-Graham argues that a diverse economies approach provides a kind of ‘performative ontological reframing’ that allows us to build upon and develop new spaces of resistance. By speaking of economic diversity we can ‘cultivate an unconscious in which dreams, fantasies, and desires for noncapitalist forms of economic organization might take shape and circulate’ (Gibson-Graham, 2002: 44). Thus a capitalocentric approach to pornography is deeply pessimistic and fails to see the multitude of ways in which people are creating alternative sexual scripts that do not necessarily always serve in the interests of patriarchy or capital (Jacobs, 2007; Jacobs et al., 2007). A diverse economies approach allows us to challenge narratives about the seemingly never-ending profitability of the porn industry. Such a framework opens up space for us to consider the ways in which non-capitalist, anticapitalist and only-slightly capitalist pornography may be having significantly detrimental impacts on the profits of pornography producers who operate within the commercial mainstream. Hence any attempt to reduce our understanding of pornography down to solely a capitalist product will fail to understand this complex varied economic landscape, and the pleasures (and dangers)13 that this might offer.

One other final area where a diverse economies approach could provide a useful framework for the study of pornography, is around issues of regulation and censorship. If we were to see all pornography as a uniform capitalist product, we risk making unhelpful generalizations that portray all pornography as a danger that should be curtailed because it always involves exploitative capitalist patriarchal relations. A diverse economies approach would allow us to challenge such logic and enable us to examine whether certain forms of regulation are intended to have a more adverse effect on specific forms of pornography (e.g. not-for-profit or pirated peer-to-peer pornography). By paying attention to the diverse economies of online pornography we could explore whether some mainstream pornography producers might in fact support certain forms of government regulation (see Stardust, 2014; Wilkinson, 2011). Thus a diverse economies approach to 10 Sexualities 0(0) pornography allows us to examine whether regulation may at times work in the interests of capital and the mainstream porn industry, not against (Maddison, 2004, 2010).

This type of perspective can be explored with reference to attempts to regulate online pornography in England and Wales via measures such as the ‘Dangerous Pictures Act’ (Section 63 of the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008) which made it illegal to possess certain forms of ’extreme’ pornography. There has also been stricter regulations around video-on-demand material via an amendment to the 2003 Communications Act (Audiovisual Media Services Regulations, 2014), which made this material subject to obscenity law. The Digital Economy Bill (2016–2017) is currently passing through Parliament, and seeks to ban material that wouldn’t be available on commercial DVD. Effectively is about making sure that all online material is now subject to British obscenity law, thus making it illegal to distribute images of certain pornographic acts online (see Attwood and Smith, 2010; P Johnson 2010; Petley, 2014). Anti-pornography campaigners have tended to support these measures, as they are seen to be sending out a strong message about the increasingly easy access to ‘extreme’ online pornography.

The economic implications of these laws have yet to be given sufficient scrutiny, with debates about their implementation tending to fall back into the tired dichotomy of pleasure versus danger (Wilkinson, 2011). Arguments in support of these new legal frameworks failed to examine exactly what kind of material was going to be captured under these laws. What has subsequently ensued is that mainstream commercial pornography has been largely exempt from these regulations, given there are a number of steps large-scale commercial producers can take to make sure their material is still legal to distribute and consume. For example, in 2008, the British Board of Film Classification (BBFC) introduced a new scheme that would enable webmasters to get online audiovisual material officially classified.14 However, this online digital classification system is an expensive solution15, and therefore will only be an option for larger-scale profit-driven producers. Strictly Broadband, one of the UKs largest adult Video-on-Demand sites, was the first to sign up to the BBFC online R18 classification system. The managing director of Strictly Broadband outlines some of the reasons his company joined this new scheme:

We welcome the clarification that the new scheme will bring to the business, which will allow the further development of a strong and legal British adult entertainment industry, and give British consumers the ability to decide whether they are buying legal material or not.16

The BBFC scheme assures viewers that the material they are watching falls within the boundaries of British law. This will have potential economic benefits for mainstream British porn producers and distributors, as it may create a new market of online consumers who are seeking reassurance that their online porn-consumption is legal to view. Stricter regulations around the legalities of online pornography Wilkinson may also channel people back from ‘pirate’ or ‘amateur’ to mainstream sites, with the former becoming seen as potentially illegal not just in terms of the means of exchange (i.e. copyright) but also the type of content. Furthermore, the 2014 Video-On-Demand regulation continued to benefit mainstream British producers, as small-scale and amateur producers in the UK were no longer allowed to contravene obscenity law. Britain already has some of the strictest obscenity laws in Europe, and therefore these new laws can be seen to offer a degree of protection for corporate British producers, from competition faced from the online influx of extreme material produced online in both Britain and abroad (see Maddison, 2004). Hence laws and controls that we think might be sending out a strong ‘anti-pornography’ moral message might in fact be supporting the economic power of a select few mainstream pornography businesses. Yet, if we were to see pornography as solely a capitalist entity then we would miss these crucial complexities.

Analyzing a global sample of 4 million authors and 26 million scientific papers: The top 1% most-cited scientists have increased their cumulative citation shares from 14 to 21% between 2000 and 2015

Global citation inequality is on the rise. Mathias Wullum Nielsen and Jens Peter Andersen. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, February 16, 2021 118 (7) e2012208118; https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2012208118

Significance: By analyzing a global sample of 4 million authors and 26 million scientific papers, this study finds that the top 1% most-cited scientists have increased their cumulative citation shares from 14 to 21% between 2000 and 2015 and that the Gini coefficient for citation imbalance has risen from 0.65 to 0.70. The growing citation concentration should be understood in the context of diverging trends in publication and collaboration activities for the top 1% compared to the “ordinary scientist.” Our study raises intriguing questions about how rising inequalities will shape the evolution of science.

Abstract: Citations are important building blocks for status and success in science. We used a linked dataset of more than 4 million authors and 26 million scientific papers to quantify trends in cumulative citation inequality and concentration at the author level. Our analysis, which spans 15 y and 118 scientific disciplines, suggests that a small stratum of elite scientists accrues increasing citation shares and that citation inequality is on the rise across the natural sciences, medical sciences, and agricultural sciences. The rise in citation concentration has coincided with a general inclination toward more collaboration. While increasing collaboration and full-count publication rates go hand in hand for the top 1% most cited, ordinary scientists are engaging in more and larger collaborations over time, but publishing slightly less. Moreover, fractionalized publication rates are generally on the decline, but the top 1% most cited have seen larger increases in coauthored papers and smaller relative decreases in fractional-count publication rates than scientists in the lower percentiles of the citation distribution. Taken together, these trends have enabled the top 1% to extend its share of fractional- and full-count publications and citations. Further analysis shows that top-cited scientists increasingly reside in high-ranking universities in western Europe and Australasia, while the United States has seen a slight decline in elite concentration. Our findings align with recent evidence suggesting intensified international competition and widening author-level disparities in science.

Keywords: scientific elitescitationsinequalitysciencesociology of science

Respondents interviewed in the months preceding election day report significantly lower levels of life satisfaction; once voting has taken place, aggregate well-being immediately returns to its regular average

Changes in Well-Being Around Elections. Nicolas Schreiner. WWZ, Working Paper 2021/03, January 21, 2021. https://edoc.unibas.ch/81295/1/20210126100126_600fda669dc58.pdf

Abstract: Elections constitute the essential element of democracy, yet surprisingly little is known about their immediate consequences for individual well-being. Cross-country empirical evidence is particularly absent for the campaign period leading up to elections. While elections as a process allow citizens to contribute to democratic quality, they are also intrinsically conflictual and require voters to exert effort to make informed decisions. To measure the aggregate changes in well-being along the entirety of the electoral process, I use survey data from before and after 148 national elections in 24 European countries between 1989 and 2019. Respondents interviewed in the months preceding election day report significantly lower levels of life satisfaction than their compatriots asked the same calendar week but in years without elections. Once voting has taken place, aggregate well-being immediately returns to its regular average. Exploratory analyses suggest that partisan conflict and social pressures regarding democratic participation may play a role in explaining the reduction in life satisfaction before elections.

JEL classifications: D72, D91, I31

Keywords: elections, well-being, life satisfaction, election campaigns, electoral systems, political polarization, eurobarometer

6 Conclusion

This chapter contributes to the study of well-being and elections by providing the first systematic cross-country and long-term evidence for a link between the two. The absence of research on satisfaction in the public during election campaigns so far seems to be a particularly striking void in the study of democracy. As public involvement and interest in politics arguably peak during this period, it would appear vital to know how the populace is affected thereby. My empirical analysis shows that the apex of the campaign season is, in fact, the single span of time around elections during which aggregate well-being systematically and significantly changes. During the final month(s) before election day, average life satisfaction is substantially lower than it would otherwise be. These negative effects do not persist after voting takes place, however. Thus, elections appear to reduce aggregate well-being before the day of the vote without producing similarly systematic short-term gains afterward. These findings should also be taken into consideration in future research regarding the consequences of elections, as the time span before election day likely represents an unsuitable control period to compare outcomes after the election against. Global dissatisfaction with democracy is at or near historic highs (Foa et al., 2020). Hence, now more than ever, it would be vital to understand the mechanisms for why the electoral process seems to regularly herald a season of public unhappiness instead of being a time of civic celebration. Based on some very preliminary exploratory analyses, social conflict and polarization could prove to be promising starting points in this regard. Designing electoral institutions that curtail the formation of stark political cleavages and affective polarization, such as greater proportionality in legislative allocation, could thus potentially play a role in halting or even reversing the aforementioned trends. Furthermore, institutions that influence the costs of voting and political information (including surrounding social norms), may offer fruitful opportunities for research into the causes of lower well-being during election campaigns. However, given the suggestive evidence so far, it does not appear that voters become unhappy because they are overwhelmed by the complexity of the choices they face in elections. To this point, based on the existing research on the effects of direct democracy on civic engagement (see, e.g., Benz and Stutzer, 2004), it would also be interesting to study whether my findings for representative elections translate to ballot measures. Yet, even if it turns out that the negative consequences of election campaigns are unavoidable, this would not speak against elections as a mechanism for societal decision-making. Rather, the short-term reduction in life satisfaction during the months immediately preceding an election may be understood as the investment costs required for reaping the long-term profits of democracy in terms of well-being.

From 2019... Rolf Degen summarizing... Neurotic psychotherapists achieved better outcomes with their clients

From 2019... The professional and personal characteristics of effective psychotherapists: a systematic review. Erkki Heinonen  & Helene A. Nissen-Lie. Psychotherapy Research, Volume 30, 2020 - Issue 4, Pages 417-432, May 2019. https://doi.org/10.1080/10503307.2019.1620366

Abstract

Objective: Psychotherapists differ notably in the outcomes their patients achieve, and the characteristics that may explain these differences have attracted increasing interest. We systematically review studies on therapist pre-treatment characteristics predicting patient outcomes.

Method: Systematic searches on databases for psychotherapy research, clinical psychology, and medical science for the years 2000–2018 identified published research examining therapist characteristics and psychotherapy outcomes. Of 2041 studies, 31 met inclusion criteria.

Results: Findings show a few direct effects of therapist intrapersonal variables (e.g., self-relatedness, attachment) and several interaction effects with other constructs (e.g., patient pathology) on outcome. There is little support for the relevance of self-rated social skills. However, more consistent evidence has recently emerged for performance-based measurements of professional interpersonal skills, especially when elicited in challenging situations. Patient outcomes were also predicted by therapists’ self-rated professional characteristics, such as their experienced difficulties in practice, coping mechanisms, and attitudes towards therapeutic work, indicating that therapist self-perception also matters, although not always in the direction expected.

Conclusions: More effective therapists seem characterized by professionally cultivated interpersonal capacities, which are likely rooted in their personal lives and attachment history. Research guidelines are proposed for moving this field forward (including larger samples, multilevel modeling, and in-depth qualitative work).

Rolf Degen summarizing... Tweets about new scientific findings rarely succeed in getting readers to click on the linked sources

How is science clicked on Twitter? Click metrics for Bitly short links to scientific publications. Zhichao Fang  Rodrigo Costas  Wencan Tian  Xianwen Wang  Paul Wouters. Journal of the Association for Information Science and Technology, January 23 2021. https://doi.org/10.1002/asi.24458

Rolf Degen's take: Tweets about new scientific findings rarely succeed in getting readers to click on the linked sources

Abstract: To provide some context for the potential engagement behavior of Twitter users around science, this article investigates how Bitly short links to scientific publications embedded in scholarly Twitter mentions are clicked on Twitter. Based on the click metrics of over 1.1 million Bitly short links referring to Web of Science (WoS) publications, our results show that around 49.5% of them were not clicked by Twitter users. For those Bitly short links with clicks from Twitter, the majority of their Twitter clicks accumulated within a short period of time after they were first tweeted. Bitly short links to the publications in the field of Social Sciences and Humanities tend to attract more clicks from Twitter over other subject fields. This article also assesses the extent to which Twitter clicks are correlated with some other impact indicators. Twitter clicks are weakly correlated with scholarly impact indicators (WoS citations and Mendeley readers), but moderately correlated to other Twitter engagement indicators (total retweets and total likes). In light of these results, we highlight the importance of paying more attention to the click metrics of URLs in scholarly Twitter mentions, to improve our understanding about the more effective dissemination and reception of science information on Twitter.

Testosterone therapy masculinizes speech and gender presentation in transgender men

Testosterone therapy masculinizes speech and gender presentation in transgender men. Carolyn R. Hodges-Simeon, Graham P. O. Grail, Graham Albert, Matti D. Groll, Cara E. Stepp, Justin M. Carré & Steven A. Arnocky . Scientific Reports volume 11, Article number: 3494 (2021). https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-021-82134-2

Abstract: Voice is one of the most noticeably dimorphic traits in humans and plays a central role in gender presentation. Transgender males seeking to align internal identity and external gender expression frequently undergo testosterone (T) therapy to masculinize their voices and other traits. We aimed to determine the importance of changes in vocal masculinity for transgender men and to determine the effectiveness of T therapy at masculinizing three speech parameters: fundamental frequency (i.e., pitch) mean and variation (fo and fo-SD) and estimated vocal tract length (VTL) derived from formant frequencies. Thirty transgender men aged 20 to 40 rated their satisfaction with traits prior to and after T therapy and contributed speech samples and salivary T. Similar-aged cisgender men and women contributed speech samples for comparison. We show that transmen viewed voice change as critical to transition success compared to other masculine traits. However, T therapy may not be sufficient to fully masculinize speech: while fo and fo-SD were largely indistinguishable from cismen, VTL was intermediate between cismen and ciswomen. fo was correlated with salivary T, and VTL associated with T therapy duration. This argues for additional approaches, such as behavior therapy and/or longer duration of hormone therapy, to improve speech transition.

Discussion

Voice masculinization is particularly important to transgender individuals undergoing a female-to-male transition; compared with eight other masculinity traits, participants indicated that they were least satisfied with their voice prior to transition and ranked it highest in priority for seeing change. Further, after T therapy (which was effective at masculinizing fo and fo -SD in our participants), transmen were most satisfied with their vocal masculinization compared with other traits. Given its importance in a female-to-male transition and the growing number of individuals undertaking this treatment46,47, the need for evidence-based research on voice masculinization is high.

Our results show that, on average, T therapy is effective at masculinizing fo and fo-SD. Transmen’s fo values (mean and range) are comparable to those of cismen and statistically significantly lower than ciswomen’s fo values. While we do not have recordings of these men prior to T therapy, we can assume that their fo was close to the average for ciswomen and that their fo has since changed by 3.5 standard deviations (or more28), which is nearly 80 Hz. Research suggests that 50% of listeners can detect shifts as low as 1.2 semitones (e.g., 7 Hz for a 100 Hz voice42); therefore, these changes likely have a strong impact on perception of gender. Overall, the current findings are consistent with previous results documenting substantial changes in fo with T therapy in transmen32,33,34,35,36 and are suggestive of putative anatomical changes resulting from the action of T on the lengthening and thickening of vocal folds, similar to those occurring during puberty in natal males19,20,21,22,23,24. To understand the nature of these structural changes, future studies should use imaging techniques to objectively quantify vocal fold length and thickness at regular intervals during T therapy.

T therapy may not be sufficient for achieving formant frequencies that are indistinguishable from cismen. Our results showed that transmen’s estimated VTL was significantly longer than ciswomen but shorter than cismen. 23% of our participants’ VTL fell outside the range of our cismen sample, suggesting that T therapy alone does not fully masculinize larynx position. Despite research indicating that both fo and VTL contribute to gendered voice perception13,14,15,16, only one other published study on transmen’s voice changes has examined VTL or formants43. This motivates development of additional treatments, such as behavioral therapy, to increase objective speech masculinity by increasing vocal tract length48. Previous studies on transmen’s speech changes have shown that most changes have occurred prior to 9 months of continuous T therapy32,33,34,35,49; however, these studies did not examine changes in estimated VTL. This study is the first, to our knowledge, to demonstrate statistical differences in VTL between samples of transmen and cisgender speakers [see Cler et al.43 for a single, detailed case study and Papp44 for an unpublished dissertation].

Incomplete masculinization of VTL (as well as fo–SD) may partly explain why 17% of our participants reported that they were ‘neutral’ to ‘extremely dissatisfied’ with changes in their vocal masculinity. This accords with previous studies showing 12–16% of patients are not fully satisfied with their vocal transition and 25% were still sometimes perceived as female on the phone32,37. Further, 31% expressed interest in further masculinizing their speech through additional treatments like behavioral voice therapy32. Despite the need for behavioral voice therapy among transmen, only one published study has examined its efficacy48. This is in contrast to transfeminine individuals where it has been shown to help individuals express their gender identity through speech, reduce gender dysphoria, and improve mental health and quality of life50,51,52,53.

Some of the acoustic properties of speech that drive gender perception were associated with features of T therapy. We found a significant inverse association between salivary T and fo; however, the results appear largely driven by 3 data points (see Fig. 3). Given the small sample size, it is unclear whether these individuals represent the normal range of variation. The association between current salivary T and fo makes theoretical sense given the longer-term association between T administration and fo change in transmen, the presence of androgen receptors on the vocal folds54,55, and the associations between T and fo during puberty18,19,20,21,22,23. In addition, several studies have found links between salivary T and masculine vocal parameters in cismen25,26,28 (cf. Arnocky et al.29), and one study of cismen showed within-individual diurnal decreases in salivary T were associated with increases in fo27. Given the strong empirical and theoretical support for an association between T and fo, it is surprising that two previous studies on female-to-male speech changes35,36 did not find an association between serum T levels and fo.

Although there was not a significant association between salivary T and estimated VTL, T therapy duration was statistically significantly associated with VTL: longer T therapy durations were associated with longer estimated VTLs. This finding may suggest a longer-term relationship between T therapy and VTL. However, an alternative explanation is that this association reflects the confounding effect of time since transition given its close association with duration of T therapy. That is, even without formal voice training, transmen may be implicitly learning how to manipulate their vocal tract over time to achieve longer VTLs. Clinical studies on the relationships among dosing regimen, biological T availability, and speech parameters among transmen are necessary.

In summary, we see two important implications of these findings. First, a voice with a low pitch is a central aspect of masculine gender presentation because it is easily observable, highly sexually dimorphic, and difficult to approximate if not an adult male. Vocal fold dimorphism is one of the largest anatomical sex differences observed in humans (approximately 5 standard deviations28,56) and greater than any other extant ape57. Cisgender men and women differ by 60% in vocal fold length30 but only 8% in height58. Because vocal sexual dimorphism is extensive and, importantly, features little overlap in gender-typical vocal ranges, it is extremely difficult to speak in a voice consistent with the opposite sex, particularly in a sustained fashion31. These facts help explain why transmen are so dissatisfied with their fo prior to T therapy. Similarly, our participants were also highly dissatisfied with body fat distribution, which is also very dimorphic58,59, easily observable, and difficult to change without hormonal therapy.

A second implication of these findings is that more research on speech changes in transgender males is necessary. The studies that have been published are limited by small sample sizes32,33,34,49, a lack of a control group for comparisons32,33,35, and a focus on only fo34,49. Additional research on T dosing regimens as well as the efficacy of behavioral voice therapy are particularly necessary. Better evidence-based treatments for transmen have health and safety repercussions. Transgender individuals are disproportionately targets of violence and being viewed as one’s gender is likely a critical component for safety60,61,62,63. Approximately 20–47% of transgender individuals have been physically or sexually assaulted and an additional 34–46% have been verbally threatened or harassed62,64.

In contrast to voice masculinization, participants did not place high importance on seeing an effect of T therapy on the non-physical trait “psychological masculinity”, highlighting participants’ dissociation between their own perception of gender and outward display of gender prior to therapy65. This incongruence is a source of extreme distress, which is associated with higher levels of depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and suicidal ideation and attempts among the transgender population—particularly those that have not begun to transition5,7,9,65,66,67,68. Receiving hormone treatment significantly improves mental health, social health, and physical health outcomes in transgender populations2,7,9,66. Vocal congruence contributes to these improvements; Watt et al.2 showed that more masculine voices significantly contributed to improved well-being and mental health in female-to-male transgender patients.

To summarize, this research was designed with several goals in mind. First, we aimed to quantify the importance of voice change—relative to other masculine traits—for transgender men undergoing testosterone therapy. No previous studies have explored this question, in spite of the strong interest in voice change among the transmasculine population. Our results show that voice masculinization is of central importance to transgender individuals undergoing the female-to-male transition compared with eight other masculine traits. Second, we asked whether T therapy was effective at masculinizing three gendered speech parameters. Our results show that, on average, T therapy is effective at masculinizing fundamental frequency mean and variation (fo and fo-SD); however, transmen’s formant-based measure of vocal tract length (VTL) was significantly shorter than cismen. This study is the first, to our knowledge, to demonstrate statistical differences in VTL between samples of transmen and cisgender speakers. Third, we examined the association between salivary testosterone and vocal parameters. We found a significant inverse association between salivary T and fundamental frequency but no association with VTL. T therapy duration, however, was statistically significantly associated with VTL. These findings point to the need for more research on speech changes in transgender males—of particular importance are transition strategies that affect formant frequencies, which have largely been ignored in previous research.