Salivary testosterone among men was linked to concurrent sex partners & masturbation; among women, Sal-T was positively associated with masturbation; gay women, in addition, with partnered sex

Salivary Testosterone and Sexual Function and Behavior in Men and Women: Findings from the Third British National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (Natsal-3). W. G. Macdowall et al. The Journal of Sex Research, Oct 11 2021. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2021.1968327

Abstract: Using data from the third British National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (Natsal-3) we examined associations between salivary testosterone (Sal-T) and sexual function and behavior. Single morning saliva samples were self-collected from a subsample of participants aged 18–74 years and analyzed using mass spectrometry. 1,599 men and 2,123 women were included in the analysis (40.6% of those invited to provide a sample). We adjusted for confounders in a stepwise manner: in model 1 we adjusted for age only; model 2 for age, season and relationship status, and model 3 we added BMI and self-reported health. In the fully adjusted models, among men, Sal-T was positively associated with both partnered sex (vaginal sex and concurrent partners) and masturbation. Among women, Sal-T was positively associated with masturbation, the only association with partnered sex was with ever experience of same-sex sex. We found no clear association between Sal-T and sexual function. Our study contributes toward addressing the sparsity of data outside the laboratory on the differences between men and women in the relationship between T and sexual function and behavior. To our knowledge, this is the first population study, among men and women, using a mass spectrometry Sal-T assay to do so.

Discussion

To our knowledge, this is the first population level study, of both men and women, using a validated salivary measure to explore the associations between Sal-T and aspects of sexual function and behavior.

We found no clear associations in our data between Sal-T and either overall sexual function (as measured by the Natsal-SF) or individual problems with sexual response in men or women. Among women, our data showed solitary sex to be more strongly associated than partnered sex with Sal-T; levels of Sal-T were higher in those who masturbated more recently and more frequently. We found no association between Sal-T and heterosexual partnered sexual activity among women, as measured by occurrence of vaginal sex in the past month, and nor did we find an association with number of partners or concurrency. The only measure of partnered sex associated with Sal-T among women was ever experience of same-sex behavior.

Among men, Sal-T was associated with masturbation but not more strongly than it was with partnered sex. Associations were seen between higher levels of Sal-T and recent occurrence of heterosexual partnered sex and with concurrency of sexual partners in the last five years, but not with number of sexual partners. The association with concurrency was reflected in men’s attitudes toward ‘casual’ sexual encounters, which were similarly linked with higher levels of Sal-T.

Contextualization and Interpretation

The absence of an association between T and overall sexual function in men in our large dataset is unsurprising given the measure of overall sexual function used in Natsal-3 which, as indicated above, took account not only of individual problems with response, but also the relational context, which is heavily influenced by psychosocial factors. The absence of any association with individual aspects of sexual function (erectile difficulties, lacking enjoyment in sex, distress about sex life, lacking interest in sex) is perhaps more surprising. The dominant narrative assumes T is the ‘biological driver’ of sexual desire in men. The fact that men have both higher levels of T and report higher levels of interest in sex than women seems to speak to this narrative (van Anders, 2012). Much of the evidence linking T with sexual desire in men has, however, come from clinical studies among those with overt T deficiency in the context of investigating the effects of TRT (Corona et al., 2017). There is little empirical evidence (van Anders, 2012), including that now provided by our study that T levels in men within the normal range are associated with sexual desire. In the European Male Aging Study (EMAS), which focused specifically on older men – though like Natsal drew on a large sample of community dwelling individuals – only weak associations were found between aspects of sexual function and T. These included ‘overall sexual function’ (O’Connor et al., 2011) and erectile dysfunction and frequency of both sexual thoughts and morning erections, though the associations with these latter three sexual symptoms were attenuated when adjustments were made for age, BMI, and co-existing health conditions (Wu et al., 2010). Further, the findings from EMAS highlight the non-linear relationship between T and aspects of sexual function and point to symptom-specific T ‘thresholds’; only under the ‘threshold’ does the probability of experiencing the sexual symptom increase (O’Connor et al., 2011; Wu et al., 2010). Hence, among older men, androgen deficiency is only likely to be a key pathogenic component in problems of sexual function when T levels are overtly subnormal (Wu et al., 2010). In older men with unequivocal age-related hypogonadism, TRT has been associated with modest improvements in sexual function (Matsumoto, 2019; Snyder et al., 2016). Evidence of the value of T supplementation for ‘low T’ within the normal range as a therapeutic solution to problems, such as erectile dysfunction and low libido, however, is lacking (Huo et al., 2016).

The few large community studies that have been conducted in women have identified associations between androgens and sexual function though in unadjusted analyses (Davis et al., 2005), or among women in menopausal transition (Randolph et al., 2015). In our unadjusted model, we did find an association between Sal-T and sexual desire in women, which remained significant after adjustment for age (with women lacking interest in sex having lower Sal-T than those who did not) but was attenuated after further adjustments for relationship status, season, BMI, and general health status, highlighting the importance of contextual factors. The current global consensus is that there is insufficient evidence regarding the use of T for the treatment of sexual function in premenopausal women, but among postmenopausal women T may yield benefits in terms of increasing sexual desire (as well as other components of sexual function including arousal and orgasmic function) (Davis et al., 2019). Evidence from controlled trials among postmenopausal women indicates that estrogen-only therapies are also associated with increases in sexual desire and that these effects can be enhanced when estrogen is coupled with T (Cappelletti & Wallen, 2016).

Our data support our prior assumption that the relative influence of hormonal status and social context, and hence the strength of associations between Sal-T and sexual behavior, would vary between men and women. Attempts to understand why dyadic sex, especially partner concurrency, is more strongly associated with T among men than women have drawn on evolutionary theories asserting that it may have greater reproductive advantage for men (Puts et al., 2015; van Anders et al., 2015). Yet associations between T and dyadic and solo sex may also be differentially moderated in men and women by gendered social norms regulating sexual behavior (van Anders et al., 2015). Variation in the extent to which men and women may be differentially socialized to non-exclusivity features regularly in explanations as to why men report larger numbers of sexual partners than women in research (Jonason & Fisher, 2009; Mitchell et al., 2019).

Sal-T’s marked link with masturbation among women, in the absence of an observed link with aspects of partnered behavior, may be seen as consistent with the notion of a stronger moderating effect of social factors on hormonal influences on women’s behavior. It has been proposed that masturbation may be a ‘truer’ measure of sexual desire, as although socially censured, it is neither constrained by social surveillance nor dependent on social relations. The suggestion in our data of a stronger link with solitary than partnered sexual activity among women accords with evidence reported elsewhere; albeit from either laboratory studies and/or those utilizing smaller convenience samples (Randolph et al., 2015; van Anders, 2012). Interpretation of these findings has drawn on the bi-directionality of the association between T and sexuality (Goldey & van Anders, 2011) and on the different meanings and motivations attached to solitary and partnered sex. For example, qualitative research among women points to solitary sexuality as primarily erotic and partnered sexuality as nurturant (Goldey et al., 2016). Women self-identifying as heterosexual have been shown to be more likely to reach orgasm in solitary compared with partnered sex (Carvalheira & Leal, 2013) and the experience of orgasm has been found to increase levels of T (van Anders et al., 2007).

Our finding of higher mean Sal-T in women with ever experience of same sex sex is illuminated by a recent systematic review, investigating whether lesbian and bisexual women may have different levels of sex hormones compared to heterosexual women. The review found tentative evidence of higher T among sexual minority women, though the heterogeneity of studies and problems with confounding made it hard to draw definitive conclusions (Harris et al., 2020).

Strengths and Weaknesses

This study had a number of strengths. Firstly, Natsal-3 is a large population-based study of men and women, covering a wide age range and capturing multiple aspects of sexual function, behavior, and attitudes. Secondly, Sal-T was measured by the ‘gold standard’ method of mass spectrometry using samples collected at the same time of day in order to account for the diurnal variation in testosterone. Thirdly, we were able to adjust for known confounders identified in our earlier analysis (Clifton et al., 2016; Keevil et al., 2017), so that independent associations between Sal-T and sexual function and behavior could be established. A number of limitations need also to be considered. Firstly, nonparticipation bias is likely to have occurred both in relation to recruitment to the main survey and providing a saliva sample. There were known differences between those who did and did not return a saliva sample, though statistical weighting was used to minimize these biases. The second limitation is that, with the exception of items relating to appraisal of sex life, the Natsal-SF (which included the questions about the individual problems with sexual response) was only asked of people who were sexually active in the past year and so excluded those who may not have had sex in over a year because of sexual difficulties. The third limitation relates to the adjustments made. While we did adjust for variables identified from our previous analyses as linked with both Sal-T and sexual function and behavior (Clifton et al., 2016; Keevil et al., 2017) there are, however, likely to be other confounders that we have not adjusted for. A further limitation relates to the complexity of the phenomena under investigation and the challenge in establishing causal direction when using cross-sectional data and single saliva samples given evidence that the relationship between T and sexual behavior is bi-directional (Escasa et al., 2011). We also have to recognize the limitations of a peripheral measure of T in assessing T status. In men and women, it is thought that a large proportion of androgens (and estrogens) are produced within cells where they exert their action and circulating androgens do not reflect this ‘intracrine’ androgen synthesis (Labrie, 1991). Relatedly, different forms of the androgen receptor are thought to vary in their sensitivity to T (Wåhlin-Jacobsen et al., 2018). Hence, circulating T is only part of a complex picture.

Our study contributes toward addressing the deficit in terms of attention paid to the role of T in women’s sexuality (Bancroft & Graham, 2011) and the sparsity of data on the differences between men and women in the relationship between T and sexual function and behavior. Our data tend to confirm that differences between men and women need to be understood by examining them in the context of both social and hormonal influences on sexual function and behavior.

Larger and higher‐earnings zones have much higher housing costs, enough so to more than completely offset their larger effects on nominal earnings; thus, movements to larger or to higher earnings locations mean reductions in real income

Location, Location, Location. David Card Jesse Rothstein Moises Yi. US Census, CES 21-32, Oct 2021. https://www2.census.gov/ces/wp/2021/CES-WP-21-32.pdf

Abstract: We use longitudinal data from the LEHD to study the causal effect of location on earnings. We specify a model for log earnings that includes worker effects and fixed effects for different commuting zones (CZs) fully interacted with industry, allowing us to capture potential impacts of local specialization. Building on recent work on firm‐specific wage setting, we show that a simple additive model provides a good approximation to observed changes in log earnings when people move across CZ’s and/or industries, though it takes a couple of quarters for migrants to fully realize the gains of a move. We also show that the earnings premiums for different CZ‐industry pairs are nearly separable in industry and CZ, with statistically significant but very small interaction effects. Consistent with recent research from France, Spain and Germany, we find that two thirds of the variation in observed wage premiums for working in different CZs is attributable to skill‐based sorting. Using separately estimated models for high and low education workers, we find that the locational premiums for the two groups are very similar. The degree of assortative matching across CZs is much larger for college‐educated workers, however, leading to a positive correlation between measured returns to skill and CZ average wages or CZ size that is almost entirely due to sorting on unobserved skills within the college workforce. 

Redheaded Women Are More Sexually Active Than Other Women, but It Is Probably Due to Their Suitors

Sýkorová, Kateřina, Vojtěch Fiala, Jana Hlaváčová, Šárka Kaňková, and Jaroslav Flegr. 2021. “Redheaded Women Are More Sexually Active Than Other Women, but It Is Probably Due to Their Suitors.” OSF Preprints. October 13. doi:10.31219/osf.io/8frq7

Abstract: Women with red hair colour, i.e., 1–9% of female Europeans, tend to be the subject of various stereotypes about their sexually liberated behaviour. The aim of the present case-control study was to explore whether a connection between red hair colour and sexual behaviour really exists using data from 110 women (34% redheaded) and 93 men (22% redheaded). Redheadedness in women, but not in men, correlated with various traits related to sexual life, namely with higher sexual desire as measured by Revised Sociosexual Orientation Inventory, with higher sexual activity and more sexual partners of the preferred gender over the past year, earlier initiation of sexual life, and higher sexual submissiveness. Structural equation modelling, however, showed that sexual desire of redheaded women meditated neither their higher sexual activity nor most of the variability of having more sexual partners. These results indicate that the apparently more liberated sexual behaviour in redheaded women could be the consequence of frequent attempts of potential mates to have sex with redheaded women. Other hypotheses, based on different physiology, faster life history strategy, or altered self-perception of red-haired women induced by stereotypes about them, were also tested and discussed.

We find, across a range of transgressions, that people frequently see victims of wrongdoing as more moral than nonvictims who have behaved identically

Virtuous victims. Jillian J Jordan, Maryam Kouchaki. Science Advances, Oct 13 2021. Vol 7, Issue 42. DOI: 10.1126/sciadv.abg5902

Abstract: How do people perceive the moral character of victims? We find, across a range of transgressions, that people frequently see victims of wrongdoing as more moral than nonvictims who have behaved identically. Across 17 experiments (total n = 9676), we document this Virtuous Victim effect and explore the mechanisms underlying it. We also find support for the Justice Restoration Hypothesis, which proposes that people see victims as moral because this perception serves to motivate punishment of perpetrators and helping of victims, and people frequently face incentives to enact or encourage these “justice-restorative” actions. Our results validate predictions of this hypothesis and suggest that the Virtuous Victim effect does not merely reflect (i) that victims look good in contrast to perpetrators, (ii) that people are generally inclined to positively evaluate those who have suffered, or (iii) that people hold a genuine belief that victims tend to be people who behave morally.

Check also Ok, E., Qian, Y., Strejcek, B., & Aquino, K. (2020). Signaling virtuous victimhood as indicators of Dark Triad personalities. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Jul 2020. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2020/07/a-specific-dimension-of.html

DISCUSSION

Across 17 experiments (total n = 9676), we have documented and explored the Virtuous Victim effect. We find that victims are frequently seen as more virtuous than nonvictims—not because of their own behavior, but because others have mistreated them. We observe this effect across a range of moral transgressions and find evidence that it is not moderated by the victim’s (white versus black) race or gender. Humans ubiquitously—and perhaps increasingly (1, 2)—encounter narratives about immoral acts and their victims. By demonstrating that these narratives have the power to confer moral status, our results shed new light on the ways that victims are perceived by society.

We have also explored the boundaries of the Virtuous Victim effect and illuminated the mechanisms that underlie it. For example, we find that the Virtuous Victim effect may be especially likely to flow from victim narratives that describe a transgression’s perpetrator and are presented by a third-person narrator (or perhaps, more generally, a narrator who is unlikely to be doubted). We also find that the effect is specific to victims of immorality (i.e., it does not extend to accident victims) and to moral virtue (i.e., it does not extend equally to positive but nonmoral traits). Furthermore, the effect shapes perceptions of moral character but not predictions about moral behavior.

We have also evaluated several potential explanations for the Virtuous Victim effect. Ultimately, our results provide evidence for the Justice Restoration Hypothesis, which proposes that people see victims as virtuous because this perception serves to motivate punishment of perpetrators and helping of victims, and people frequently face incentives to enact or encourage these justice-restorative actions. We find empirical support for the assumption that seeing victims as virtuous motivates justice-restorative action. We also find, critically, that introducing disincentives for justice-restorative action causes the Virtuous Victim effect to disappear. Moreover, our results provide direct evidence that the Virtuous Victim effect does not merely reflect (i) that victims look good in contrast to perpetrators, (ii) that people are generally inclined to positively evaluate those who have suffered, or (iii) that people hold a genuine belief that victims tend to behave morally.

By supporting the Justice Restoration Hypothesis, our work advances our understanding of how people evaluate the moral character of others. Previous research has established that moral character evaluations are shaped by the direct personal attributes of evaluated individuals, such as their moral or immoral behaviors (12–15), social group affiliations (16–20), or physical attractiveness (21, 22). Our results suggest that, because people frequently face incentives to respond to wrongdoing with justice-restorative action, moral character evaluations can also be influenced by whether an individual was the recipient of immoral treatment. In this way, our results contribute to a growing body of evidence from psychology that moral judgements can be colored by self-interested incentives (43, 52–54).

By proposing a link between perceptions of victim virtue and justice-restorative action, the Justice Restoration Hypothesis also aligns with theories of “indirect reciprocity.” Such theories posit that people track the reputation status of individuals in their community, and the normative value of a particular action (e.g., helping or stealing from somebody) can depend on the recipient’s reputation standing (57, 58). For example, in some cultures, stealing from somebody in good reputational standing is considered a norm violation, but stealing from somebody in bad reputational standing (e.g., somebody who himself is a thief) is not (59). According to this framework, a harmful act is more likely to be viewed by society as a transgression that merits justice-restorative action if the victim is morally virtuous. Thus, it stands to reason that seeing a victim as virtuous would boost motivation for justice-restorative action and that, when we face incentives to enact or encourage justice-restorative action, we would therefore benefit from elevating the victim’s character.

An interesting question for future research is whether incentives for justice-restorative action influence our perceptions of victims in other ways. We find that the Virtuous Victim effect does not extend equally to certain positive nonmoral traits (e.g., intelligence and athleticism). Providing a potential explanation for this pattern, we find some suggestive evidence that describing victims as competent may be less effective at motivating justice-restorative action than describing victims as moral. However, insofar as other traits beyond morality (e.g., helplessness or innocence) are particularly effective at motivating justice-restorative action, we might expect people to elevate victims on those traits.

This proposal may also relate to evidence that people typecast moral patients (i.e., the recipients of moral action), including victims, as less agentic and more passive (7–9). This phenomenon is distinct from the Virtuous Victim effect (being passive is not the same thing as being moral) and is unlikely to account for our results. If the Virtuous Victim effect simply reflected that victims are seen as passive patients who are incapable of wrongdoing, we would have expected the effect to extend to predicted immoral behavior, but subjects did not rate victims as any less likely to commit immoral acts (e.g., spreading mean gossip). However, future research should investigate whether there may be a psychological link between seeing victims as moral and as passive, insofar as both perceptions could plausibly motivate justice-restorative action.

Another open question is whether the Virtuous Victim effect may ever extend to victims of accidental misfortune. In our experiments, subjects did not see accident victims as more morally virtuous than neutral targets. When viewed through the lens of the Justice Restoration Hypothesis, this pattern makes sense: When accidents occur, there are no perpetrators (and thus no incentives for punishment). In addition, while accidents do create victims who may need help, our subjects did not perceive strong incentives to help them. Notably, our subjects did not expect helping accident victims to look any better than helping neutral targets. However, the accident victims in our experiments suffered relatively minor consequences (the loss of an iPad). When more serious accidents occur (e.g., natural disasters in poor countries), people might plausibly perceive stronger reputational incentives to help, in which case we would expect people to elevate the character of accident victims. Nevertheless, our theory and results also suggest that, holding constant the harm suffered, moral transgressions will create stronger incentives for justice-restorative action than accidents, and victims of immorality will therefore reliably be seen as more virtuous than accident victims.

Future research should also investigate how our results relate to victim blaming. There is ample evidence that people sometimes blame victims for causing their own victimization (3–6). This observation is not incompatible with our findings: One could conceivably see a victim as morally good and as having contributed, causally, to their victimization. However, moral evaluations of victims may nonetheless correlate interestingly with attributions of causal blame. For example, in some contexts, people face disincentives for justice-restorative action (and thus face pressure not to punish perpetrators and help victims, but rather to excuse wrongdoing and dismiss victims). Our theorizing predicts that in these contexts, people are unlikely to morally elevate victims (and may even derogate their moral character). Indeed, in the disincentives condition of experiment 11a, it was relatively easy to evoke such a context—and consequently eliminate the Virtuous Victim effect—by encouraging subjects to imagine some hypothetical drawbacks of justice-restorative action. Moreover, it seems plausible that in contexts where people perceive disincentives for justice-restorative action, they may also be more likely to attribute causal blame to victims. Future research should test this hypothesis, which is broadly consistent with evidence that motivation (60) and ideology (5) can influence empathy for victims.

Relatedly, it is interesting to consider why our sexual aggression vignette did not produce a significant Virtuous Victim effect, while our rape vignette produced a strong effect. In the victim condition of our sexual aggression vignette, the target initially participated in a consensual sexual encounter with the perpetrator (who then continued making advances after she asked him to stop). The vignette was also vague: The nature of the continued advances was unclear, and it was thus unclear whether a sexual assault occurred. In contrast, in the victim condition of our rape vignette, the target did not consent to any kind of a sexual encounter, and the vignette described an unambiguous assault. We thus speculate that subjects may have perceived the rape vignette as describing a context that would create greater social consensus that a moral transgression occurred, giving rise to stronger incentives for justice-restorative action and thus a stronger Virtuous Victim effect. Future research should directly test this proposal and more generally investigate when victims of sexual coercion are judged to be morally virtuous.

It is also interesting that, in our experiments, the Virtuous Victim effect was not significantly moderated by target gender or (white versus black) race and extended to female and black victims. When viewed through the lens of the Justice Restoration Hypothesis, these findings suggest that subjects in our experiments perceived incentives to help victims and punish the perpetrators who wronged them, including when the victims in question were female and/or black. However, this perception may not always hold, at least for all subsets of the population. Furthermore, in contexts where people do not perceive incentives to engage in justice-restorative action on behalf of female and/or black victims (or victims from other historically or currently marginalized groups), our theoretical framework suggests that the Virtuous Victim effect may not extend to members of these groups. For example, individuals who perceive incentives to excuse (rather than punish) police violence against black Americans may fail to elevate (and, as described above, perhaps even derogate) the character of such victims. Further research should investigate this important possibility.

Another open question is whether the Virtuous Victim effect occurs across cultures, including in populations that are not “WEIRD” (Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic) (61). As just articulated, our theorizing predicts that the generalizability of the Virtuous Victim effect across cultures is likely to depend on the universality of incentives for punishing perpetrators and helping victims. For example, in cultures and contexts where victims are seen as contaminated (5) and helping them is not socially rewarded, we predict that the Virtuous Victim effect may disappear (or even reverse).

Further research should also investigate the Virtuous Victim effect outside of the laboratory. A limitation of our work is that we relied on hypothetical vignettes, most of which were presented in third person by a presumptively objective narrator. Thus, future work should explore perceptions of real-world victims, both in contexts where victim narratives are presented by third parties (e.g., news coverage of or gossip about immoral acts and their victims) and victims themselves.

Relatedly, future work should attempt to shed further light on our finding that the Virtuous Victim effect can, but does not always, extend from third- to first-person narratives. We have speculated that this finding may reflect that narrator credibility is crucial for the Virtuous Victim effect. Moreover, while people may be especially likely to question first-person narrators, perceived credibility might also play an important role in shaping evaluations of third-person victim narratives, especially in contexts where narrators seem less objective than they did in our vignettes.

Future research should also investigate the broader societal implications of the Virtuous Victim effect. How does the perception that victims are morally virtuous shape the treatment of victims by society (both in daily life and in domains like policy and law) and the roles that victim narratives play in social debates? Furthermore, what are the implications of the Virtuous Victim effect for the behavior and psychology of victims? For example, when victims are bestowed with moral status, what are the downstream consequences for their moral self-concepts and behavior (62, 63)? In addition, are people aware that being seen as a victim can make them appear moral? Recent research has documented a correlation between the tendency to signal one’s victim status and the tendency to signal one’s moral character (56), and our work shows that victim status can itself serve to boost an individual’s perceived moral character. These results raise the question of whether people are motivated to share their victimization to appear virtuous. On the other hand, however, do victims anticipate the pitfalls that may come with personally sharing their first-person narratives? Future work should investigate how these considerations shape the ways that victims choose to come forward with their stories.

In conclusion, we have shown that people frequently see victims of wrongdoing as morally good and provided evidence that this Virtuous Victim effect flows from incentives for justice-restorative action. This work has important implications for the role of victim narratives in society and raises many interesting directions for future research.

Approx. half of the people in the general population who were perverts (nowadays, of paraphilic interests) acted upon those

Concordance and Discordance between Paraphilic Interests and Behaviors: A Follow-Up Study. Christian C. Joyal, Julie Carpentier. The Journal of Sex Research, Oct 12 2021. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00224499.2021.1986801

Abstract: Although paraphilic interests represent significant risk factors for recidivism among sexual offenders, little is known about the magnitude of concordance between paraphilic interests and behaviors in the general population. The goal of this follow-up study was to conduct secondary analyses based on a sample of 1040 adults (475 men; 565 women) recruited in the general population. Levels of associations and active concordance (having both interest and experience), passive concordance (having neither interest nor experience), active discordance (having experience without interest) and passive discordance (having interest without experience) between paraphilic interest and corresponding behavior were assessed. Concordance and discordance indexes were also computed, as well as regressions and moderation analyses. As expected, paraphilic interests predicted corresponding behaviors, although the mean active concordance rate was only approximately 50%. Concordance rates varied with gender and the criminal nature (legal vs. illegal) of paraphilia. Paraphilic interests in adults from the general population may not have the same predictive value as that observed in medico-legal contexts. The possible role of other moderators in the concordance between paraphilic interest and behavior in non-clinical populations should be assessed. These findings have implications for sexual abuse prevention programs aiming at individuals in the community.

Discussion

The main goal of this study was to evaluate the magnitude of association, concordance and discordance between interests for, and experience with, paraphilic behaviors in a sample of participants recruited among the general population. In line with previous studies (Bártová et al., 2021; Seto et al., 2021), correlations between the level of paraphilic interests (including none) and the frequency of corresponding behaviors (including none) were all positive and highly significant. When only participants with interest were considered, most of these associations decreased, indicating that the no-interest/no-behavior pairing explained in part these links. Still, all associations remained significant, although variation between them varied considerably (from a low of .197 for voyeurism to a high of .650 for sexual sadism). These results suggest that the link between interest and behavior fluctuates significantly across types of paraphilia. For instance, the three strongest associations between interest and behavior (all above .400) were found for sexual sadism, exhibitionism, and sexual masochism. It is worth noting that Seto et al. (2021) reported higher correlations between interest and behavior for masochism (.664) and sadism (.665) compared with other paraphilias. In addition, two rates in the present study increased when only interested participants were considered (sexual sadism and exhibitionism), indicating that for some paraphilias, associations between levels of interest and frequencies of behavior are in fact higher when absence of interest is eliminated from the equation. In these cases, the presence of interest may have a better predictive value for the appearance of the corresponding behavior.

Regression analyses also confirmed that having the desire to engage in a paraphilic behavior was significantly associated with acting on that behavior (see also Seto et al., 2021). Still, gender also represented a significant factor for the realization of some (but not all) paraphilic behaviors. As expected, fetishistic, voyeuristic, and exhibitionistic behaviors were associated with being a man and masochistic behaviors were (almost significantly) associated with being a woman. Seto et al. (2021) also found that four paraphilic behaviors were associated with gender: eroticized gender (men), frotteurism (men), zoophilia (men), and masochism (women). Given that the present study was not based on the same instrument and the same paraphilias, results are difficult to compare with those of Seto et al. (2021). Still, it is worth noting that in both studies, sexual masochism was associated with being a woman.

As for the more specific measure of correspondence between paraphilic interests and behaviors, the active concordance index, it was moderate on average (approximately .50), suggesting that about one person out of two with such interest also reported (or not) the corresponding behavior. Therefore, the presence of a paraphilic interest (or even a desire, as in this study) among people of the general population is only partially indicative of their experience with the corresponding behavior, perhaps less than what is usually reported in forensic contexts (e.g., Hanson & Morton-Bourgon, 2005; Mann et al., 2010). Concordance rates also vary significantly across paraphilias. A first source of variation was the criminal status (legal vs. illegal) of the paraphilia. Although the concordance rates suggest that the sole criminal nature of a paraphilia is not sufficient to explain the odds of acting out (e.g., voyeurism, frotteurism), legal paraphilic interests were significantly more likely to be associated with corresponding behaviors than interests for illegal sexual behaviors. A similar result was reported by Seto et al. (2021).

A second source of concordance variation was gender (moderation variable), although it was significant for only three paraphilias (fetishism, transvestism, and exhibitionism, all related with being a man). These results suggest that even if odds of engaging in paraphilic behaviors are generally higher in men, the link between having a paraphilic interest and realizing it is not necessarily weaker in women. Seto et al. (2021), for instance, found that pedohebephilic interests were significantly associated with pedohebephilic behaviors in both men and women (if heterosexual) among the general population. In the present study, women who had interests in sexual masochism, sexual sadism, frotteurism, or voyeurism were as likely as men to have experienced it.

The active discordance index also generated interesting results. For instance, correlations between interest and behavior were higher for exhibitionism after participants with no interest and no experience with exhibitionism were removed from the equation. These results suggest that having interest in exhibitionism is significantly associated with behavioral exhibitionism. However, the active discordant index indicated that exhibitionism behaviors were more likely to be reported by participants who engaged in these behaviors without interest in doing so (as indicated by indexes higher than 1). Therefore, among the general population, having interest for a paraphilia such as exhibitionism seems to be significantly associated with the corresponding behavior, whereas the opposite is not true, i.e., exhibitionism is not necessarily indicative of a corresponding interest. In opposition, indexes of active discordance were especially low (.15 or less) for masochism (men and women) and fetishism (men). These results suggest that most people from the general population who engage in these behaviors also have the desire to do so.

Future investigations should assess the presence and importance of other possible moderating factors underlying the variation of concordance between paraphilic (or any) sexual interest and behavior. For instance, Bondü and Birke (2021) recently reported a significant association between coercive sexual fantasies and behavioral sexual sadism (consenting and non-consenting) in young adults (mainly university students), although less than 25% of the variance was explained by the sole presence of these fantasies. Importantly, inclusion of other factors such as personality traits, attitudes, and general aggressiveness increased that percentage to nearly 50% (Bondü & Birke, 2021). At the individual level, variables such as sexual drive, sexual orientation, behavioral impulsivity, psychopathic traits, substance abuse, intelligence and educational levels deserve further attention (e.g., Bondü & Birke, 2021; Seto et al., 2021; Williams et al., 2009). At the sexual interest level, low diversity of interests (e.g., having few but highly specific fantasies) paired with high intensity (e.g., very sexually arousing and recurrent), a non-volitional type of appearance (obsessional), a long history of emergence (e.g., early adolescence) and/or high frequency represent good possible moderating factors in the odds of acting on them. Because the present study was not designed to assess concordance between interest and behaviors, these intermediate variables were not assessed.

Finally, different definitions and measures of sexual interest might explain in part variation in rates of concordance across studies. Fantasies about (Bártová et al., 2021), arousal associated with (Bártová et al., 2021; Seto et al., 2021), and desire to accomplish (current findings) a given sexual behavior can all be defined as sexual interest, although their proximity with behaviors might differ. Given that sexual fantasies are not necessarily associated with an actual desire to realize them (Joyal & Carpentier, 2017), concordance between behaviors and desire might be somewhat higher than that with fantasies. The definition of behavior is also important, such as including (or not) exclusive pornography use, which influences reported rates (see Dombert et al., 2016 for instance). Rates of pedophilic interests and experience (involving children aged 13 or less) were particularly low in this study (0.6% and 0,4%, respectively, compared with 4.1% and 3.2% among German men; Dombert et al., 2016), perhaps due to fear of being reported in Canada and/or the exclusion of behaviors limited to pornography consumption. In contrast, rates of interest and experience (Joyal & Carpentier, 2017) and concordance (this study) for frotteurism were relatively high in this sample. This reflects, at least in part, an important difference between our definition of frotteurism (“Touching or rubbing yourself against a stranger”) and that of other studies (“Touching or rubbing against a nonconsenting person,” e.g., Seto et al., 2021). Therefore, measures of paraphilic interests and behaviors should be validated for future studies, not only for convergent validity and reliability (Seto et al., 2021), but also for face and content validity.

Overall, there are growing data available concerning concordance and discordance between paraphilic interests and paraphilic behaviors among non-clinical, non-forensic samples of participants. Although there remain gaps in the literature, these investigations will help in developing risk assessment instruments for the general population, crucial for the emerging development of prevention programs against sexual abuse aiming at the community.

Strategic initiatives by individuals or groups to disguise or conceal themselves represents one possible initial pathway to the cultural evolution of clothing

Disguises and the Origins of Clothing. William Buckner. Human Nature, Oct 13 2021. https://rd.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12110-021-09415-7

Abstract: Thermoregulation is often thought to be a key motivating factor behind the origins of clothing. Less attention has been given, however, to the production and use of clothing across traditional societies in contexts outside of thermoregulatory needs. Here I investigate the use of disguises, modesty coverings, and body armor among the 10 hunter-gatherer societies in the Probability Sample Files (PSF) within the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) World Cultures database, with a particular focus on disguise cases and how they compare with strategies of deception across other taxa. The employment of disguises—defined as altering one’s appearance for purposes of deceiving conspecifics or other animals—is noted for eight of the 10 societies, with their use occurring in contexts of hunting, religious or cult practices, and war or interpersonal violence. Most hunter-gatherer disguises demonstrated clear similarities to cases of visual deception found in other species, with the majority of examples fitting categories of animal mimicry, masquerading as plants, disruptive coloration (camouflage), or background matching (camouflage), while disguises unique to humans involved the impersonation of culture-specific “spirit-beings.” Clothing for modesty purposes (nine societies) and body armor (six societies) are also noted. I propose that strategic initiatives by individuals or groups to disguise or conceal themselves represents one possible initial pathway to the cultural evolution of clothing. There are likely multiple potential (nonexclusive) social and functional pathways to the emergence of clothing outside of thermoregulatory needs.

Vocalizations in intercourse by sexually unrestricted females may ultimately secure higher paternal investment and increase the confidence of the paternity of current sexual partner

Factors Influencing Sexual Vocalization in Human Females. Pavol Prokop. Archives of Sexual Behavior, Oct 12 2021. https://rd.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-021-02018-4

Abstract: Human females use numerous signals to attract male attention which can be ultimately motivated by enhanced paternal investment in the offspring. Sexual vocalization is a form of female sexual signaling. The majority of hypotheses attempting to explain the functional significance of vocalizations have been applied on non-human primates, while research on human females is scarce. This study investigated factors underlying sexual vocalization with a sample of 403 heterosexual Slovak females. Sexual vocalization was most frequent during penetration itself compared with other forms of sexual activities, which supports its signaling function. The most frequently reported sexual vocalizations were moaning/groaning, followed by screams and instructional commands, squeals, and words. Both the frequency and intensity of sexual vocalizations were significantly and positively associated with sexual arousal during the last sexual vaginal intercourse and sociosexuality. About 38% of females reported that they pretended vocalization and, in turn, pretended vocalization was exclusively associated with pretending orgasm. No direct evidence was found for any associations between self-reported frequency and intensity of sexual vocalization and partner satisfaction/physical attractiveness/ambition/dominance, self-perceived attractiveness, or occurrence of orgasm. The frequency (but not intensity) of sexual vocalization was positively influenced by the conception risk. On the proximate level, it seems that sexually less restricted females may use sexual vocalization to increase their sexual attractiveness to their current partner by means of boosting their partner’s self-esteem. Enhanced vocalization by sexually unrestricted females may ultimately secure higher paternal investment and increase the confidence of the paternity of current sexual partner.

33.8% of all individuals reported dissatisfaction with the appearance of their genitalia, with 13.7% of females and 11.3% of males being positive towards undergoing cosmetic genital surgery

Hustad, Ingvill B., Karin Malmqvist, Ekaterina Ivanova, Christian Ruck, and Jesper Enander. 2021. “Does Size Matter? Genital Self-image, Genital Size, Pornography Use and Openness Towards Cosmetic Genital Surgery in 3662 Swedish Men and Women.” PsyArXiv. October 12. doi:10.31234/osf.io/t73x4

Abstract: This cross-sectional study investigated the distribution and characteristics of genial self-image in a large sample of males and females, and whether factors such as actual genial size (length of penis or protrusion of labia minora), consumption of sexually explicit material (SEM) or avoidance and safety seeking behaviors were associated with genital self-image. Overall, 3.6% of females and 5.5% of males suffered from a severely low genital self-image and 33.8% of all individuals reported dissatisfaction with the appearance of their genitalia, with 13.7% of females and 11.3% of males being positive towards undergoing cosmetic genital surgery. Mean protrusion of labia minora and stretched flaccid penis length in the population was estimated to 0.76 cm (95% CI 0.63-0.89 cm) and 12.5 cm (95% CI 12.33-12.76 cm), respectively. A better genital self-image was associated with having a larger penis or less protruding labia minora, but not associated with the degree of SEM consumption, although 93.6% of males and 57.5% of females had consumed SEM in the past three months. Avoidance and safety seeking behaviors were strongly correlated with a negative genital self-image. Considering this relationship, more research is warranted in the development of potential psychological interventions in order to alleviate genital dissatisfaction in individuals.

Couples made more downward than upward comparisons; however, upward comparisons had a more lasting impact, resulting in decreased satisfaction and optimism, and less positive self-perceptions and partner perceptions

Thai, Sabrina, Penelope Lockwood, and Elizabeth Page-Gould. 2021. “The Ups and Downs of Being Us: Cross-relationship Comparisons in Daily Life.” PsyArXiv. October 12. doi:10.31234/osf.io/8j2ds

Abstract: Cross-relationship comparisons are an integral part of relationship processes, yet little is known about the impact of these comparisons in daily life. The present research employed a dyadic experience sampling methodology (N=78 couples) with end-of-day surveys, end-of-week follow-up, and a six-month follow-up to examine how individuals make cross-relationship comparisons in daily life, the cumulative impact of these comparisons over time, and the dyadic consequences of such comparisons. Participants made more downward than upward comparisons; however, upward comparisons had a more lasting impact, resulting in decreased satisfaction and optimism, and less positive self-perceptions and partner perceptions, at the end of each day and the week. Individuals who made more upward comparisons were also less satisfied six months later. Individuals were also affected by their partner’s comparisons: On days when partners made more upward comparisons, they felt less satisfied and optimistic about their relationship, and less positive about themselves and their partner.

The moderating role of culture on the benefits of economic freedom: Introducing economic freedom enhances economic development if the population is oriented at long term benefits rather than short term gains

The moderating role of culture on the benefits of economic freedom: Cross-country analysis. Johan Graafland, Eelkede Jong. Journal of Comparative Economics, October 5 2021. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2021.09.005

Highlights

• Introducing economic freedom enhances economic development if the population is oriented at long term benefits rather than short term gains.

• High levels of uncertainty avoidance decrease the beneficial effects of economic freedom on economic development.

• Countries that benefit most from economic freedom are located in Asia.

• Countries that benefit least from economic freedom are located in South America.

Abstract: The implementation of pro-market policies and institutions is often suggested for enhancing a country's development. However, implementing pro-market policies and institutions has a mixed track record. Some have ascribed the bad results to the neglect of people's predispositions, often described as culture. In this study, we argue that successful implementation of pro-market policies and institutions requires that large parts of the population know how to use the resulting freedom in a way that can bring long term benefits. A panel analysis on a sample of 67 countries from 1970 to 2019 confirms this theoretical argument. We find that Long Term Orientation increases the effect of economic freedom on income per capita, whereas Uncertainty Avoidance weakens the positive relationship between economic freedom and income per capita. The policy implication is that the introduction of free market policies and institutions will particularly foster economic development in long-term oriented societies and in societies with low Uncertainty Avoidance.

Keywords: CultureEconomic developmentEconomic freedomUncertainty avoidanceLong term orientation

5. Conclusions and discussion

The main result of this study is that the positive association between economic freedom and economic development depends on the nation's culture. To support economic development, the culture should encourage individuals to take initiative and to act with a view to the long term consequences. An empirical study using Hofstede's cultural dimensions confirms these notions in that the interactions between economic freedom on the hand, and Uncertainty Avoidance (negative sign), and Long Term Orientation (positive sign) on the other are significant.

The results of this paper confirm the view that the introduction of economic freedom institutions and policies, as such, does not necessarily have an effect. The population should also be able and willing to put the economic freedom to good use. This would appear to be oriented toward future return and not toward short-term benefits. This outcome is of particular importance for international organizations (IMF, World Bank, EU), which provide advice to national governments. If a more market-oriented economy is requested, then suggesting institutions and policies be changed might not be the best advice. It could be that measures have to be taken beforehand to enhance the population's ability and willingness to take control of their own life. Consequently, a gradual process during which people can learn that as individuals they should take responsibility for action will deliver better results than a “big bang” solution targeted at implementing new rules and legislation only. Those who know how to deal with the newly created freedom could easily misuse the new regulation. As a result, in cases where the population at large does not know how to act properly, or is unable to do so, the chances are high for the creation of an elite that will enrich itself by buying assets at below market prices. Many of the countries of the former USSR stand as an example of this misuse of power. In many of these countries, oligarchs dominate the economy and politics and thus undermine both free markets and democratic policy making.

The results of this study are based on data from 67 countries. The cultural dimensions are derived from large surveys. This implies that the external validity is larger than that of experimental studies that make use of a limited set of students. The countries are also spread over different continents. However, due to data availability African countries are underrepresented. So extending the analysis to these countries would be interesting at such time as data become available. Furthermore, as discussed in our methodology section, our empirical analysis does not allow strong conclusions about the causality in the relationships between economic freedom and income per capita, because of the possibility of reverse causality. Future research should aim at developing proper instrumental variables that can theoretically be argued to causally drive economic freedom without affecting income per capita, and help identify the causality.

Conscientiousness could be the "wealth trait"; these industious individuals—demonstrating a steady, plodding behavior pattern—appear to build higher net worth by using other skills to convert their higher incomes into net worth

O.C.E.A.N.: How Does Personality Predict Financial Success? Jim Exley et al. Journal of Financial Planning. Oct 2021. https://www.financialplanningassociation.org/article/journal/OCT21-ocean-how-does-personality-predict-financial-success

Executive Summary

Purpose: Research across fields suggests that the Big Five personality traits (O.C.E.A.N.) predict individual behaviors including various financial outcomes. However, O.C.E.A.N. as a measuring tool has not caught on in the academic or applied financial planning field as extensively as it has in other disciplines. The purpose of this paper is to be the first to examine the relationship between the Big Five personality traits (O.C.E.A.N.) and four regularly collected financial outcomes—financial literacy, financial risk tolerance, income, and net worth—using a single data set. The correlational format shows the potential predictive ability of personality on various financial behaviors that is succinct and easy to understand.

Hypothesis: The research hypothesis is that O.C.E.A.N is a significant predictor of financial outcomes. Specifically, 14 out of a possible 20 correlations between O.C.E.A.N. and financial literacy, financial risk tolerance, income, and net worth will be significant.

Methods: Personality, financial literacy, income, and net worth were collected using a significantly powered current MTurk sample (n=412) representing the U.S. population. Correlations and OLS regressions were run controlling for age, gender, and education to test the relationship between the variables.

Findings: 16 out of a possible 20 correlations between O.C.E.A.N. and financial literacy, financial risk tolerance, income, and net worth were significant, though some were different than hypothesized. Specifically, this study was the first to find that extraversion correlated positively with financial risk-taking and income but negatively with financial literacy. There was no significant relationship with net worth. Conscientiousness correlated positively with financial literacy, income, and net worth, but negatively with financial risk tolerance. Neuroticism correlated negatively with financial literacy, income, and net worth. These findings contribute to the financial planning field by demonstrating that O.C.E.A.N. can be simply and systematically collected from individuals—much like risk tolerance—which adds insight into specific financial behaviors.

Possible Research Directions: Much like the systematic adoption of risk tolerance, the academic field of financial planning can be advanced by collecting robust personality data using the O.C.E.A.N. framework. This will allow for the generalization of findings from other fields over to financial planning. To assist researchers, the University of Michigan should consider adding robust measures of financial risk tolerance and personality to its valuable Health and Retirement Study. In addition, practicing financial professionals should consider collecting O.C.E.A.N. data on clients to gain additional insights into clients’ behaviors over and above standalone risk tolerance.

Discussion

This study sought to elucidate how the Big Five personality traits may play a role in describing household outcomes related to (1) financial literacy, (2) financial risk tolerance, (3) income, and (4) net worth. Eleven of the 14 hypotheses were supported and 16 of the 20 correlations were significant. OLS regressions and correlations tell a similar story. With regression, these associations are smaller and less stable because age, gender, and education have well-established relationships with aspects of O.C.E.A.N. By controlling for these covariates, we remove meaningful variance attributable to the personality metrics of interest. Acknowledging that these relationships will be weaker as less variance is available to explain, the discussion will focus on the bivariate correlations.

Financial Literacy. It was hypothesized that financial literacy would be positively correlated with openness and conscientiousness and negatively correlated with neuroticism. Each of these hypotheses was supported. When assisting individuals high in C and O, planners may see higher financial aptitudes. Open individuals likely value financial information as a way of continuous learning and have gathered knowledge along their financial journey. Conscientious individuals have likely also gathered financial knowledge possibly through study and determination to master the process. High Os and Cs may benefit from more detailed explanations of advanced topics involving their investing and planning. This advanced learning should allow high Os and Cs to grasp more complex strategies that may assist in reaching their goals. In addition, these individuals will likely appreciate a detailed discussion of the inner workings of various strategies, even if they decide against implementation.

Though neuroticism was negatively correlated with financial literacy, extraversion had a similar negative relationship. When assisting individuals with high E and high N, planners may see lower financial aptitudes. While high Ns may readily admit this shortcoming, high Es may deny low financial literacy as high Es can be prone to overconfidence (Schaefer, Williams, Goodie, and Campbell 2004). Planners assisting high Es and Ns should consider creative ways to spend time on basic financial literacy in review meetings rather than assigning self-learning tasks these individuals may not value or complete.

Financial Risk-Taking. For financial risk-taking, as hypothesized, extraversion had a significant positive relationship with risk tolerance while conscientiousness and agreeableness had significant negative relationships with risk tolerance. In a surprise finding of this sample, openness also had a significant negative relationship with risk-taking. Neuroticism did not have a significant relationship with an individual’s appetite for financial risk-taking. In the current climate, extroverts may pose a unique challenge. When assisting individuals with high E, planners should be mindful that big, extroverted personalities tend to add risk even when it may be detrimental to their long-term goals. Spending extra time evaluating and understanding high Es’ risk tolerance over and above industry protocol should be beneficial with these clients. Extroverts are often concerned with appearance and status (Naumann, Vazire, Rentfrow, and Gosling 2009). High Es may also be at higher risk for “Gambler’s Ruin” (Huygens 1657; Campbell, Goodie, and Foster 2004). A “sandbox strategy” or “trading account” consisting of a small set of risky assets that are fun to discuss at cocktail parties may scratch the risk itch, while not endangering the entire financial plan.

Planners may spend extra time understanding and assisting high Cs and As with their risk tolerance in an attempt to nudge them into riskier assets if needed to accomplish their long-term goals. Planners may consider more detailed explanations of the costs and benefits of risk, appealing to high Cs’ and As’ higher financial literacy.

Income. As hypothesized, income had a positive relationship with conscientiousness and extraversion, and a negative relationship with neuroticism. Financial industry compensation structures incent planning professionals to pursue larger accounts. In search of larger clients with higher incomes, planners may be unknowingly selecting individuals with high C and high E and deselecting individuals with high N. Planners could personally benefit from familiarizing themselves with the unique behavioral patterns of high Cs and high Es and tailoring their communication and recommendations to the individual. For example, knowing a high-income earner is high in conscientiousness should encourage planners to use education and discipline strategies—such as budgeting tools—often appreciated by high Cs. However, high-income Es may not value the extra education and may benefit more from automated strategies that systematically increase discipline—thus lowering risk—such as the automatic enrollment and asset allocation features that are included in various financial tools such as 401(k) plans.

Individuals high in neuroticism face a tall hill to climb. However, planners should be well equipped. Michael Kitces found in his 2018 annual survey of financial advisers that successful advisers often have lower N scores—meaning quality advisers often come with a high dose of emotional stability. With lower incomes, high Ns will need help embracing other paths to wealth building such as financial literacy, discipline, and risk-taking. However, individuals with lower incomes have been shown to have lower financial literacy and less access to financial institutions (Zhan, Anderson, and Scott 2006). High Ns may have the highest need for financial advice without the means to pay. This is an area where financial services might need to consider skills and tools developed in the counseling and mental health fields to better serve high-neuroticism clients. Understanding personality traits may provide clues as to the mechanisms individuals are employing to earn higher incomes that may or may not be beneficial to their long-term goals.

Net Worth. As hypothesized, conscientiousness had a positive relationship with net worth while neuroticism had a significant negative relationship. Extraversion was not found to have a significant relationship with net worth despite the finding that extroverts earn more. These findings, along with other studies (Duckworth et al. 2012), could lead to conscientiousness being considered the “wealth trait.” These industrious individuals—demonstrating a steady, plodding behavior pattern—appear to build higher net worth by using other skills to convert their higher incomes into net worth. Despite also earning higher incomes, high Es did not convert their higher income into higher net worth for this sample. Individuals high in neuroticism had significantly lower net worth, which is not surprising given lower incomes and lower financial literacy.

In total, 11 of the 14 O.C.E.A.N. personality trait hypotheses were supported. In addition, 16 out of a possible 20 personality–financial-outcome relationships were significant, though—as mentioned—a few were unexpected or in the opposite direction of the hypothesis. Clearly, the Big Five personality traits meaningfully predict a range of important household financial outcomes.

Implications

This study has several implications for researchers and those working in the financial services profession. For those in academia and the emerging field of wealth science, this study documents the associations among the Big Five personality traits and four household financial characteristics. Few studies have used net worth as a dependent variable in relation to personality modeling (Duckworth et al. 2012; Nabeshima and Seay 2015). Most personality research related to household finance topics has focused on income as the dependent variable. In The Millionaire Next Door, Stanley and Danko (1996) found that wealthier individuals tend to focus more heavily on measuring their net worth than lower net worth individuals, suggesting conscientiousness. However, few academic studies have followed up on this finding. Hopefully, this study inspires future studies using Big Five and net worth measures. Additionally, results from this study provide support for the model of risk-taking proposed by Irwin (1993).

From an applied standpoint, this study widens the pathway into furthering financial psychological research and expands the tools available to investors and financial service professionals as they attempt to grow wealth. Coaching and education—taking into account their unique O.C.E.A.N. profile—may provide additive benefits over and above standalone financial risk profiles. For example, high Cs may need assistance with adding risky assets to their portfolios, while high Es may need assistance in reducing financial risk and increasing their financial literacy.

Future Research

This study focused on the trait portion of personality. Traits describe a stable pattern of behavior, motivation, emotion, and cognition that can be observed in any sociocultural context (DeYoung 2011). However, individuals possess traits in a package (sometimes referred to as a personality “profile”), not standalone. Exploring repeating patterns of O.C.E.A.N. traits and financial outcomes could prove especially interesting. Secondly, much valuable research in the area of finance and personality is conducted using the University of Michigan’s Health and Retirement Study (e.g., Duckworth et al. 2012; Nabeshima and Seay 2015). Adding a more robust measure of financial risk tolerance and Big Five personality to this survey could potentially open the floodgates for financial personality research. Finally, the McAdams model of personality also includes characteristic adaptations and integrative life stories. Using the McAdams model as a guiding framework, future research that combines traits, experiences, and life stories should provide additional insight into repeatable patterns of financial behavior.

Limitations

The study has several limitations. First, it is important to replicate this pattern of findings in a larger sample to test their generalization. While the present self-reported MTurk sample had sufficient size to establish stable associations, ideally this study would have used the much larger Health and Retirement Study (HRS) that verifies financial data. Ideally, direct measures of net worth and income based on bank records, spouse reports, or other assessment approaches would be used. However, the purpose of this study was to use a robust measure of personality and risk tolerance not included in the HRS. While MTurk has been validated as a sampling tool, studies have shown that results can differ from the general population (Arditte, Cek, Shaw, and Timpano 2016). To test predictive validity, a larger sample representative of investors, a larger and more refined set of control variables, and multiple indicators of outcome variables would be ideal. Second, this study assessed a single point in time. It would be beneficial to have longitudinal data that establish perhaps a more direct or active role of personality in financial decision-making. For example, changes in conscientiousness at time one may lead to increased net worth at a later time. This would be particularly important to establish over market cycles.

Congenitally blind participants facially imitate smiles heard in speech, despite having never seen a facial expression

Facial mimicry in the congenitally blind. Pablo Arias, Caren Bellmann, Jean-Julien Aucouturier. Current Biology, Volume 31, Issue 19, October 11 2021, Pages R1112-R1114. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2021.08.059

Summary: Imitation is one of the core building blocks of human social cognition, supporting capacities as diverse as empathy, social learning, and knowledge acquisition1. Newborns’ ability to match others’ motor acts, while quite limited initially, drastically improves during the first months of development2. Of notable importance to human sociality is our tendency to rapidly mimic facial expressions of emotion. Facial mimicry develops around six months of age3, but because of its late emergence, the factors supporting its development are relatively unknown. One possibility is that the development of facial mimicry depends on seeing emotional imitative behavior in others4. Alternatively, the drive to imitate facial expressions of emotion may be independent of visual learning and be supported by modality-general processes. Here we report evidence for the latter, by showing that congenitally blind participants facially imitate smiles heard in speech, despite having never seen a facial expression.

For the much larger set of gender stereotypical vacancies, filling times, wages, & job durations were largely unaffected by the campaign: The elimination of stated preferences had at most small consequences on overall job match efficiency

Gender Preferences in Job Vacancies and Workplace Gender Diversity. David Card, Fabrizio Colella & Rafael Lalive. NBER, Working Paper 29350, Oct 2021. https://www.nber.org/papers/w29350

Abstract: In spring 2005, Austria launched a campaign to inform employers and newspapers that gender preferences in job advertisements were illegal. At the time over 40% of openings on the nation’s largest job-board specified a preferred gender. Over the next year the fraction fell to under 5%. We merge data on filled vacancies to linked employer-employee data to study how the elimination of gender preferences affected hiring and job outcomes. Prior to the campaign, most stated preferences were concordant with the firm’s existing gender composition, but a minority targeted the opposite gender - a subset we call non-stereotypical vacancies. Vacancies with a gender preference were very likely (>90%) to be filled by someone of that gender. We use pre-campaign vacancies to predict the probabilities of specifying preferences for females, males, or neither gender. We then conduct event studies of the effect of the campaign on the predicted preference groups. We find that the elimination of gender preferences led to a rise in the fraction of women hired for jobs that were likely to be targeted to men (and vice versa), increasing the diversity of hiring workplaces. Partially offsetting this effect, we find a reduction in the success of non-stereotypical vacancies in hiring the targeted gender, and indications of a decline in the efficiency of matching. For the much larger set of stereotypical vacancies, however, vacancy filling times, wages, and job durations were largely unaffected by the campaign, suggesting that the elimination of stated preferences had at most small consequences on overall job match efficiency.

Zebra finches: Is female mate choice repeatable across males with nearly identical songs?

Is female mate choice repeatable across males with nearly identical songs? Daiping Wang et al. Animal Behaviour, October 11 2021. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.anbehav.2021.09.001

Highlights

• Individual-specific mate preferences are common but poorly understood.

• Mate preferences differ strongly between individual female zebra finches.

• Individual males differ strikingly in their songs.

• Females respond differently to males with exceptionally similar songs.

• Song traits are hence not the target of individual-specific preferences.

Abstract: Individual-specific mate preferences are thought to be widespread, but they are still poorly understood in terms of mechanisms and function. Earlier work on a songbird (the zebra finch, Taeniopygia guttata) showed predominantly individual-specific mate preferences and signs of behavioural incompatibility with certain partners. However, the phenotypic target of preference or aversion remains unclear. A previous study suggested that female preferences may be related to variation in male song. Male zebra finches have individually distinct songs and together with individual-specific female song preferences they could function according to a ‘key–lock principle’. Here we report on a preregistered study in which we tested the hypothesis that individual females respond to males with highly similar songs in a similar way. We selected 18 duos of males with nearly identical songs and released them with females in communal breeding aviaries. We scored female preference as the female's responsiveness to male courtship and confirmed that females indeed had strong individual-specific mate preferences. However, female responsiveness scores were not positively correlated across males closely matched for their song, thereby rejecting the idea of a song-based ‘key–lock principle’ as an explanation for the observed individual-specific preferences. We suggest researchers should focus on details of the interactions between potential partners to elucidate the cause of behavioural incompatibility.

Keywords: behavioural compatibilitybirdsongindividualitymate choicemate preferencesmonogamypreregistration

A minority are responsible for the majority of lies told, some basically honest people have extreme bad lies days now and then, and a few people almost never lie

Unpacking variation in lie prevalence: Prolific liars, bad lie days, or both? Kim B. Serota, Timothy R. Levine & Tony Docan-Morgan. Communication Monographs, Oct 10 2021. https://doi.org/10.1080/03637751.2021.1985153

Abstract: Testing truth-default theory, individual-level variation in lie frequency was parsed from within-individual day-to-day variation (good/bad lie days) by examining 116,366 lies told by 632 participants over 91 days. As predicted and consistent with prior findings, the distribution was positively skewed. Most participants lied infrequently and most lies were told by a few prolific liars. Approximately three-quarters of participants were consistently low-frequency liars. Across participants, lying comprised 7% of total communication and almost 90% of all lies were little white lies. About 58% of the variance was explained by stable individual differences with approximately 42% of the variance attributable to within-person day-to-day variability. The data were consistent with both the existence of a few prolific liars and good/bad lie days.

Keywords: Deceptionlieslying over timeprevalenceprolific liarstruth-default theoryTDT

Greater narcissism was associated with women’s preferences to retain their birth name, & with men’s desires for both partners to use his name

Emerging adults’ preferred surnames: Reasons and social cognitive dispositions. Laura Stafford, Susan L. Kline, Xiaodan Hu. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, October 10, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075211046391

Abstract: Surname practices in the U.S. are believed to reflect and reinforce the enduring patriarchal nature of U.S. society. Yet, some women and men reject patriarchal expectations. Calls for research accounting for such individual variations have been made. We examine the role that dispositional differences play in preferences for and reasoning about marital surnames in a sample of U.S. heterosexual women and men. With an online survey, we examined 799 heterosexual unmarried emerging adults’ (mean age = 19.9) preferences for their own and a future partner’s surname, reasons for their preferences, and associations with social cognitive dispositions relevant to self- and other-orientations: narcissism and perspective-taking. The findings suggest greater flexibility about women’s surname preferences than previously reported. Approximately one-third of men and women were open to nontraditional options. Reasons for preferences included heritage, tradition, masculinity norms, conceptions of marriage and family, identity, family pressures, and practical reasons. After controlling for age, relational status, traditionalism, autonomy, and career aspirations, lower perspective-taking was predictive of women’s preferences for both partners to retain their birth names, whereas greater narcissism was associated with women’s preferences to retain their birth name. Greater narcissism was associated with men’s desires for both partners to use his name. Taken together, the addition of individual difference dispositions provides greater insight into surname preferences and reasons for those preferences beyond gender masculinity norms.

Keywords: Surnames, emerging adulthood, narcissism, perspective-taking, patriarchy, gender