Sexual Behaviors Reported by a US Survey vs. Depictions of Sex in Male–Female Pornography: Kissing, male orgasm, female orgasm, and condom use were significantly less prevalent in the videos videos than in real experience

Porn Sex versus Real Sex: Sexual Behaviors Reported by a U.S. Probability Survey Compared to Depictions of Sex in Mainstream Internet-Based Male–Female Pornography. Niki Fritz, Vinny Malic, Tsung-chieh Fu, Bryant Paul, Yanyan Zhou, Brian Dodge, J. Dennis Fortenberry & Debby Herbenick. Archives of Sexual Behavior, Feb 14 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-021-02175-6

Abstract: Using data from a 2014 U.S. nationally representative probability survey and a 2014 content analysis of 2562 male–female videos from two popular pornographic websites, this study aimed to: (1) compare the prevalence of survey respondents’ event-level sexual behaviors with those depicted in mainstream pornography online videos; (2) compare event-level condom use with condom use prevalence in pornographic videos; (3) compare event-level orgasm with prevalence of orgasms in pornographic videos; and (4) assess whether respondents’ partnered use of pornography was associated with the sexual behaviors in which they report engaging. We found that kissing, male orgasm, female orgasm, and condom use were significantly less prevalent in the pornographic videos than in survey respondents’ most recent sexual experiences. Conversely, penile–anal intercourse and fellatio were significantly more prevalent in the pornographic videos than in participants’ reports of their most recent sexual experience. There were no significant differences between the prevalence of cunnilingus or sex toy use represented in the videos as compared to survey respondents’ reports. Finally, we found that individuals who reported partnered pornography use during their most recent sexual experience were more likely to report having engaged in oral sex, penile–anal intercourse, and sex toy use and were also more likely to report female orgasm during their most recent sexual experience.

Discussion

This study’s results suggest notable differences between the sexual behaviors portrayed in free mainstream male–female pornographic videos and the sexual behaviors reported at participants’ most recent sexual event in a recent US nationally representative survey, the 2014 NSSHB. In general, the sex depicted in pornography appears to be less focused on intimacy or affection, more focused on male sexual pleasure (but not necessarily orgasm) including more often depicting penile–anal intercourse and fellatio, and less often depicting kissing, condom use, and female orgasm. This divergence between real life sex and sex depicted in mainstream pornography may reflect the fact that mainstream pornography has mostly been created for men, and often by men, and for the specific role of a perceived and rather limited male fantasy (Jensen, 2007). Much of mainstream pornography continues to be made within the narrow confines of what is sometimes described as male fantasy, thus persistently recreating a relatively narrow range of pornographic sexual scripts that diverge from the sexual realities of most Americans. This is perhaps not surprising given that a common motivation of pornography use is fantasy (and facilitation of masturbation and ejaculation) and men are more often consumers of pornography. However, it may be concerning that the fantasy of pornography is reinforced for men, while there are few avenues for other more realistic sexual scripts given the lack of quality sex education (Rabbitte & Enriquez, 2018).

Although many sexuality education programs remain focused on abstinence-only education (SIECUS, 2021), these findings provide an empirical base for both comprehensive sexual education and pornography literacy educational programs. While these programs have often assumed differences between porn and real-life sexual behaviors, the present study provides empirical data to contextualize both pornographic videos as well as those described by survey participants. For example, this study found a sizable gap between how often kissing is shown in male–female pornographic videos (25% of the time) compared to 2014 NSSHB respondents’ event-level sexual repertoires (88% of the time). It is not clear why kissing is uncommonly depicted in pornography. After all, kissing is a common way of initiating sexual activities (Byers & Heinlein, 1989; Clarke, 2006; O’Sullivan & Byers, 1992). Kissing during sex is also one of the highest rated behaviors in terms of appeal, with about 86.0% of both women and men in a 2015 US nationally representative study rating it as very or somewhat appealing (Herbenick et al., 2017). Kissing has been associated with sexual satisfaction, relationship satisfaction, emotional intimacy, sexual pleasure, and arousal, as well as postcoital affection (Herbenick et al., 2019; Hughes & Kruger, 2011; Kruger & Hughes, 2010; Muise et al., 2014). That said, kissing is not universally included in partnered sexual behaviors in the USA and, when absent, a common reason (especially for younger people) has been that kissing would have felt too intimate of a behavior with a particular partner (Herbenick et al., 2019). Thus, the dearth of kissing in male–female pornographic videos may be an intentional marker of non-relational or less intimate sex. Alternatively, the lack of kissing may reflect stereotypes about men (who more often view pornography) as not being interested in kissing, intimacy, or romance, thereby underestimating how appealing most men (like most women) find kissing. Pornography literacy programs might utilize these findings as part of class discussions about gendered myths and stereotypes about preferences for kissing and other affectionate behaviors.

Another important area of discrepancy is pornographic depictions of oral sex in and of themselves, as well as compared with respondents’ reports. Specifically, we found that fellatio was depicted in the videos more than twice as often as cunnilingus. This is consistent with earlier research demonstrating that sexual behaviors that prioritize male sexual pleasure (such as fellatio) are more often shown in pornography compared to sexual behaviors (such as cunnilingus) that focus on female sexual pleasure (Bridges et al., 2010). In fact, in this study, occurrences of fellatio were as prevalent as depictions of penile–vaginal intercourse (66% vs. 65%, respectively). While fellatio tends to be reported more often than cunnilingus among adolescents and young adults, this gender gap appears smaller among middle age cohorts (Herbenick et al., 2010; Woods et al., 2016), and consistent with our findings. Notably, both male and female orgasm were depicted less often in pornography in comparison with survey participants’ reports, though male orgasm was still depicted in pornography scenes three times as often as female orgasm (36% vs. 12% scenes, respectively). The most likely explanation for the low prevalence of orgasms included in scenes—even in contrast to older pornographic images from DVDs or videotapes—is that contemporary Internet-based pornographic scenes tend to be cut into much shorter scenes taken from longer videos. Yet, findings are generally consistent with prior content analyses of pornography (Klaassen & Peter, 2015) as well as past population-level studies of sexual behavior that have found male orgasm to be more prevalent than female orgasm in male–female partnered sex (Herbenick et al., 2010). These findings may be useful for clinicians to use in support of clients who are working to understand how to create more equitable and reciprocal sexual partnerships; they may also be useful for sexuality educators in addressing gendered experiences of sex in and outside of pornographic imagery.

Although depicted less frequently than kissing or oral sex, penile–anal intercourse occurred in almost 1 in 5 pornographic scenes, which is significantly higher than the 4% of survey participants who reported penile–anal intercourse in their most recent sexual encounter. An examination of research on anal sex behaviors demonstrates that while many US adults (about 40%) have engaged in anal sex ever in their lives, far fewer engage in it with much frequency or even rate it as appealing—that is, at least among those identifying as heterosexual or reporting other-sex partners (Herbenick et al., 2010, 2017; McBride & Fortenberry, 2010). Clinicians and educators (particularly those who integrate media literacy into their teaching) might find these data support discussions about what people perceive as “common” or even nearly ubiquitous behaviors and why. Although beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to note that pornography literacy programs should be sexually inclusive and discuss the social norms surrounding penile–anal intercourse for men who have sex with men, for whom anal sex is more commonly and more frequently reported in US probability surveys (Dodge et al., 2016). Our study findings collectively support inquiry into how people learn about sex, including which sexual behaviors are rare or common or may be anticipated by potential sexual partners, especially in a culture that drastically limits school-based sexuality education.

Regarding condom use, we found that only 3% of video scenes showed a condom being used, consistent with prior research about condom use in heterosexual films (Grudzen et al., 2009). Yet, more than six times as many survey participants reported having used a condom during their most recent intercourse event. As for why condom use is so rarely depicted in pornographic videos, some producers have expressed concern that showing condom application or use would not be liked by the largely male viewership (e.g., might be a turn-off). However, a study of 213 undergraduate men found substantial support for condoms being used in pornography (Kraus & Rosenberg, 2016), suggesting ways for producers of pornography to provide content their viewers indicate wanting to see. This is important given recent increases in STIs in the USA, including evidence of the novel coronavirus-19 in feces and conflicting evidence of its presence in semen (Li et al., 2020; Machado et al., 2021; Nouri-Vaskeh & Alizadeh, 2020; Song et al., 2020). In contrast, a recent study of gay male pornography found that while 34% of scenes depicted unprotected penile–anal sex, 36% of scenes depicted penile–anal sex with a condom (Downing et al., 2014), suggesting a different standard, cultural norm, and safe sex script within heterosexual versus gay pornography.

Dyadic Pornography Use

Examining how partnered pornography consumption may be associated with sexual behaviors, this study found that individuals who consumed pornography with their partner before or during sex reported engaging in significantly more fellatio and penile–anal intercourse, two sexual behaviors more frequently depicted in pornography compared to real life. This finding is in line with Wright’s (2011) model of sexual socialization; partners who watch pornography together may experience more script–situation correspondence and thus may be more likely to follow scripts in pornography. Particularly considering penile–anal intercourse, one quarter of survey respondents who consumed pornography together with their partner also reported engaging in anal sex with that partner. Given that this sexual behavior is infrequently enacted between women and men, perhaps couples who consume pornography together are more familiar with seeing anal sex, which is depicted in about one in five pornographic scenes. Alternatively, couples who have a broader sexual repertoire (one that more often includes anal sex) may also be more likely to watch pornography with a partner. It is also unknown to what extent the anal intercourse, for example, was fully wanted or enjoyed by both partners. It is possible that some portion of these anal sex events occurred as a result of gendered power imbalances, pressure or coercion, which is frequently noted in research on women’s experiences with penile–anal intercourse (Fahs et al., 2015; Hess et al., 2013; Kaestle, 2009; Rogala & Tydén, 2003). Subsequent research might examine to what extent partnered viewing of pornography and anal sex (as well as other kinds of sex) are associated due to perceived pressure as compared to reasons such as curiosity, desire, and/or pleasure.

Regarding the findings on partnered pornography use, however, some findings did not completely align with theoretical predictions. For example, individuals who reported partnered pornography use were also more likely to report both cunnilingus and female orgasm. While cunnilingus was portrayed less frequently than fellatio in pornographic scenes, it was depicted in similar rates to survey participants’ reports. Yet for individuals who consumed pornography with their partner, almost 50% reported engaging in cunnilingus. Perhaps related, more individuals who watched pornography with their partner also reported female orgasm (87% vs. 64%). Research does suggest that, for women, cunnilingus is related to orgasm (Andrejek & Fetner, 2019). Instead of simply mimicking depicted behaviors, couples may be engaging in a wider variety of sexual behaviors, which has been associated with greater likelihood of orgasm (Herbenick et al., 2010). As Weinberg et al. (2010) found, pornography may normalize previously unknown sexual behaviors such as cunnilingus or empower couples to explore other behaviors. From the female partner’s perspective, one study found that women who consumed pornography were more easily aroused during partnered sex compared to those who did not view pornography (McNabney et al., 2020). Indeed, viewing pornography with a partner may allow women the opportunity to share their own desires and possibly expand their sexual repertoire to include sexual behaviors focused on clitoral or vulvar stimulation. While pornography depictions do appear to favor male pleasure, it appears that individuals’ partnered use of pornography is also associated with sexual behaviors commonly associated with female sexual pleasure and orgasm.

Notably, there was no difference reported in kissing between those who reported dyadic pornography use and those who did not. This suggests that couples’ pornography use may not lead to a less intimate experience even though kissing is rarely included in pornographic videos. While prior research suggests pornography consumption by individuals is associated with lower levels of couples’ sexual and relationship satisfaction, our research suggests that co-viewing pornography may be a part of, or even facilitate, couples’ sexual exploration and female pleasure. It may be that co-viewing pornography allows couples to talk about sexual desires or negotiate sex in a way that separate viewing of pornography does not. Subsequent research might examine how sexual partners initiate co-viewing, how they feel about it, and the extent to which they feel it contributes to their experiences of sexual pleasure, thus addressing an important gap in research (McKee et al., 2021).

Strengths and Limitations

The present study is marked by several strength and limitations. A significant strength of this research is the sampling. This study used a content analysis of randomly sampled male–female pornographic videos from two popular tube sites and analyzed data from a US nationally representative probability survey to examine male–female partnered sexual behaviors in the general population. Data collection occurred close in time with the videos sampled in Fall 2013 and Spring 2014 and the survey administered in Fall/Winter 2014. The sheer number of videos sampled (2562) makes the present content analysis one of the largest conducted to date. However, the pornography sample came from only two websites which, while highly trafficked, may have yielded different behavioral data than if other websites had been sampled. Additionally, the online videos are generally shorter than full length pornographic DVDs, and thus, caution should be exercised in comparing this study’s findings to earlier research that used full-length scenes from DVDs or videotapes for the level of analysis.

Regarding the US probability survey, it was (like most US nationally representative surveys) limited to non-institutionalized individuals who were able to read and respond to questions in the English language. The size of certain subsample groups, such as individuals reporting dyadic pornography together, was relatively low. Any conclusions drawn from analysis of such data must acknowledge the lack of statistical power involved when undertaking certain comparisons. The present analysis is also limited to male–female videos and male–female partnered sex; subsequent work might examine similar research questions with different gender compositions (including male–male, female–female, transgender individuals, group sex, etc.) for video content analyses as well as adults’ survey responses.

People See Political Opponents as More Stupid Than Evil

Hartman, Rachel, Neil Hester, and Kurt Gray. 2022. “People See Political Opponents as More Stupid Than Evil.” PsyArXiv. February 14. psyarxiv.com/5q7aj

Abstract: Affective polarization is a rising threat to political discourse and democracy. Public figures have expressed that “conservatives think liberals are stupid, and liberals think conservatives are evil." However, four studies (N=1,660)—including a representative sample—reveal evidence that both sides view political opponents as more unintelligent than immoral. Perceiving the other side as “more stupid than evil” occurs both in general judgments (studies 1, 3, and 4) and regarding specific issues (Study 2). Study 4 also examines “meta-perceptions” of how Democrats and Republicans disparage one another, revealing that people correctly perceive that both Democrats and Republicans see each other as more unintelligent than immoral, although they exaggerate the extent of this negativity. These studies clarify the way everyday partisans view each other, an important step in designing effective interventions to reduce political animosity.

Many people follow a species-relativist principle, that individuals of all species should favor their own conspecifics; even extraterrestrials should prioritize their own over humans

Caviola, Lucius, Stefan Schubert, Guy Kahane, and Nadira S. Faber. 2022. “Humans First: Why People Value Animals Less Than Humans.” PsyArXiv. February 14. psyarxiv.com/x42v6

Abstract: People routinely give humans moral priority over other animals. Is such moral anthropocentrism based in perceived differences in mental capacity between humans and non-humans or merely because humans favor other members of their own species? We investigated this question in six studies (N = 2,217). We found that most participants prioritized humans over animals even when the animals were described as having equal or more advanced mental capacities than the humans. This applied to both mental capacity at the level of specific individuals (Studies 1a-b) and at the level typical for the respective species (Study 2). The key driver behind moral anthropocentrism was thus mere species-membership (speciesism). However, all else equal, participants still gave more moral weight to individuals with higher mental capacities (individual mental capacity principle), suggesting that the belief that humans have higher mental capacities than animals is part of the reason that they give humans moral priority. Notably, participants found mental capacity more important for animals than for humans—a tendency which can itself be regarded speciesist. We also explored possible sub-factors driving speciesism. We found that many participants judged that all individuals (not only humans) should prioritize members of their own species over members of other species (species-relativism; Studies 3a-b). However, some participants also exhibited a tendency to see humans as having superior value in an absolute sense (pro-human species-absolutism, Studies 3-4). Overall, our work demonstrates that speciesism plays a central role in explaining moral anthropocentrism and may be itself divided in multiple sub-factors.

The Puzzle of Falling US Birth Rates since the Great Recession

The Puzzle of Falling US Birth Rates since the Great Recession. Melissa S. Kearney, Phillip B. Levine, and Luke Pardue. Journal of Economic Perspectives, Volume 36, Number 1, Winter 2022, Pages 151–176. https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.36.1.151

Abstract: Between 1980 and 2007, US birth rates generally fluctuated within a narrow range of roughly 65 to 70 births per 1,000 women between ages 15 and 44. Since then, US birth rates have plummeted, reaching 55.8 per 1,000 women in 2020—about a 20 percent decline over 13 years. Figure 1 plots the trend in the US birth rates. The decline began at the onset of the Great Recession and continued during the ensuing recovery, with no signs of reversing. This paper considers possible suspects behind the falling birth rates. We begin with a detailed look at birth rates by demographic groups defined by age, education, race and ethnicity, marital status, and birth parity. A detailed examination by group might offer some preliminary clues as to what types of factors might be responsible for the aggregate trend. While the decline is concentrated among women in the under-30 age group, the decline is generally widespread across demographic subgroups, which gives reason to suspect that the dominant explanation for the aggregate decline is likely to be multifaceted or society-wide. We see no indication in the data that there is likely to be a reversal of these trends in the near future.

That consumers derive greater happiness from experiences than from material possessions lets one significant fact go unnoticed: Some of the most satisfying experiences combine elements of both domains; there is no inherent tradeoff

What Makes People Happy? Decoupling the Experiential-Material Continuum. Evan Weingarten et al. Journal of Consumer Psychology, February 2022. https://doi.org/10.1002/jcpy.1291

Abstract: Extant literature suggests that consumers derive more happiness from experiences (e.g., vacations) than from material possessions (e.g., furniture). However, this literature typically pits material against experiential consumption, treating them as a single bipolar construct of their relative dominance: more material or more experiential. This focus on relative dominance leaves unanswered questions regarding how different levels of material and experiential qualities each contribute to happiness. Four preregistered studies (N = 3,288), using hundreds of product categories, measured levels of material and experiential qualities using two unipolar items. These studies investigate recalled, evoked, and anticipated happiness. Results show a more nuanced view of the experiential advantage that is critical for future research and consumer theory: material and experiential qualities both have positive relationships with happiness. Further, there is no inherent tradeoff between experiential and material qualities: consumers can enjoy consumption that is high on both (e.g., swimming pools and home improvements).

What does it mean to be (seen as) human? The importance of gender in humanization

Martin, A. E., & Mason, M. F. (2022). What does it mean to be (seen as) human? The importance of gender in humanization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspa0000293

Abstract: What does it mean to be (seen as) human? Ten studies explore this age-old question and show that gender is a critical feature of perceiving humanness, being more central to conceptions of humanness than other social categories (race, age, sexual orientation, religion, disability). Our first six studies induce humanization (i.e., anthropomorphism) and measure social-category ascription. Across different manipulations (e.g., having participants recall experiences, observe moving shapes, imagine nonhuman entities as people, and create a human form), we find that gender is the most strongly ascribed social category and the one that uniquely predicts humanization. To provide further evidence that gender is central to conceptions of personhood, and to examine the consequences of withholding it, we then demonstrate that removing gender from virtual humans (Study 5), human groups (Study 6), alien species (Study 7), and individuals (Study 8) leads them to be seen as less human. The diminished humanness ascribed to nongendered and genderless targets is due, at least in part, to the lack of a gender schema to guide facile and efficient sensemaking. The relative difficulty perceivers had in making sense of nongendered targets predicted diminished humanness ratings. Finally, we demonstrate downstream consequences of stripping a target of gender: Perceivers consider them less relatable and more socially distant (Study 8). These results have theoretical implications for research on gender, (de)humanization, anthropomorphism, and social cognition, more broadly.

We report a previously unidentified difference emotional regulation styles, with conservatives reporting a healthier approach to emotion regulation via cognitive reappraisal strategies; found more negative mood states among political liberals

David L. Dickinson, 2022. "Political ideology predicts mood and emotion regulation. Examining potential pathways to key life outcomes," Working Papers 22-03, Department of Economics, Appalachian State University. https://ideas.repec.org/p/apl/wpaper/22-03.html

Abstract: Previous research has identified importance differences in key life outcomes between political conservatives and liberals (e.g., happiness, academic success, involvement in crime). Potential mechanisms suggested in the literature have included self-control or personality traits that may systematically differ by political ideology. We preregistered plans to test for “dark” personality trait and self-control differences in political conservatives and liberals, with aims to replicate previously reported findings. We also examined differences in cognitive reflection style and emotion regulation. Three survey waves were obtained from an initial pool of U.S. participants (n=650 initial respondents, n=498 in Wave 2, n=402 in Wave 3) split roughly equally across political conservatives and liberals. We report a consistent null effect of political ideology on selfcontrol, and dark personality traits, in contrast to previous studies. Our data show higher cognitive reflection tendencies among those who are more politically liberal, consistent with past research. However, we report a previously unidentified difference emotional regulation styles, with conservatives reporting a healthier approach to emotion regulation via cognitive reappraisal strategies. Finally, a common mood elicitation in each of the three studies consistently reveals significantly more negative mood states among political liberals. Together, these findings suggest that mood and mood regulation may be a more important mechanism towards understanding preferred outcome differences in conservatives compared to liberals.

Key Words: self-control, political ideology, individual differences, mood regulation, dark personality

Gender Differences in Motives and Emotional Outcomes Following Casual Sex: No predictors (apart from being a man) were found for a positive emotional outcome

Was it Good for You? Gender Differences in Motives and Emotional Outcomes Following Casual Sex. Billie E. McKeen, Ryan C. Anderson & David A. Mitchell. Sexuality & Culture, Feb 11 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12119-022-09946-w

Abstract: Casual sex, also referred to as a hookup, has been associated with a range of negative emotional outcomes for women, including regret, anxiety, depression and social stigma. However, it has been argued that it is the nature of the sexual motivation, not gender that influences the emotional outcome. This study was designed to ascertain what motivates people to have casual sex, what emotional outcomes follow casual sex and whether there are gender differences among these variables. Seven hundred and one participants (47% men and 52.8% women) completed a 44-item online survey. Gender differences were found for both sexual motivations and emotional outcomes of casual sex, with women generally having more negative emotional outcomes than men. Additionally, a principal components analysis uncovered four reliable principal motivations underlying engagement in casual sex, and three principal emotional outcomes of casual sex. Predictors of negative emotional outcomes included being motivated to regulate negative emotions and to achieve positive emotions. No predictors (apart from being a man) were found for a positive emotional outcome. While the stigma surrounding female sexual agency is diminishing, results generally support the presence of a sexual double-standard which encourages male promiscuity but dissuades female sexual autonomy.

Discussion

It was hypothesised that there would be gender differences in motivations and emotional outcomes relating to casual sex. These hypotheses were supported, with overall gender differences for both, and a number of strong gender differences for individual items. Furthermore, when reduced to discrete factors, motivations predicted emotional outcomes.

Gender Differences in Motivations and Outcomes

Although there was an overall gender difference in the motivations for casual sex, it is noteworthy that men and women similarly endorsed statements such as ‘I had a hookup for personal enjoyment/fun’. Such findings support the idea that social stigma surrounding women’s sexual agency is diminishing. There was also a significant overall gender difference in emotional outcomes following casual sex, and differences for 11 of the 13 individual outcome items. Women reported significantly more negative emotional outcomes than men, including loneliness, unhappiness, rejection, regret, general negative feelings, and a perception of negative judgment from others. Conversely, men reported greater sexual satisfaction, happiness, self-confidence, contentment, and mood improvement. Each of these findings is consistent with the general idea that men experience some kind of emotional enhancement from engaging in casual sex, but for women the emotional effect is reductive. While the statistical effect-size of the gender difference here was reasonably small (ηp2 = 0.08), it is worth noting that of the 11 items indicating a gender difference, women reported a greater agreement to 6, while the reverse was true for five, thus the average difference misrepresents the more nuanced story.

Women reported significantly more regret, loneliness, unhappiness, rejection and negative feelings about one’s self in comparison to men following their most recent hookup experience. It is important to note that this finding is consistent with research from an evolutionary perspective, which suggests that women experience more regret than men because short-term sexual relationships are considered less advantageous for women’s reproductive success, and conversely, advantageous for men’s reproductive success (Galperin et al., 2013; Kennair et al., 2018). However, the item that loaded on the same factor as all of these items was ‘concern about being negatively judged by others’ which supports the sexual double standard from a social psychological perspective (Eagly & Wood, 1999).

Within Western culture, women are supposedly empowered and gender equality regulations are in place to enhance equality in opportunities, however, the findings of this investigation suggest that women do not experience casual sex in the same way as men. Women reported more concern about being negatively judged by others after engaging in casual sex than men. There is a risk of social stigma, namely slut shaming leading to social isolation for women, marking them as lower in status and less deserving of respect with the risk of social isolation, poor reputation and negative emotions (Armstrong et al., 2014).

Western culture supports gender equality, and levels of sexual permissiveness are arguably becoming more liberal. Engagement in casual sex is becoming increasingly acceptable, and it is noteworthy that the modest effect sizes in gender differences reported here may suggest that the disparity is decreasing, but the risk of experiencing negative emotional outcomes is still considerably greater for women than it is for men (Armstrong et al., 2014). Men are rarely threatened with social repercussions in the same way that women are, therefore expressing sexual autonomy is arguably less prohibitive for them (Farvid et al., 2017).

While the current study reported considerable gender differences in emotional outcomes, dissimilar findings of a minimal or null effect may be an artefact of methodological inconsistency. Vrangalova (2015) used a sample of young adults enrolled in higher education, however, the current sample was more heterogeneous, and inclusive of adults from more diverse backgrounds with ages ranging from 18 to 82.

Motivations Predicting Emotional Outcomes

The motivation to regulate negative emotions accounted for most of the variance in the data, suggesting that many individuals engage in casual sex in an effort to regulate their negative emotions. This motivation was also predictive of negative emotional outcomes. Having casual sex to manage feelings of loneliness, misery, unhappiness and irritability may lead to negative emotional outcomes, including feelings of regret, rejection, unhappiness, loneliness, negative feelings towards one’s self, and concern about being negatively judged by others. Although, the non-causal nature of the relationship bears mention, it may just be that a negative mindset is associated with both problematic motivations for and outcomes of casual sex.

We did not find a motivation that predicted positive emotional outcomes. It may simply be that a positive emotional outcome following casual sex is too difficult to reliably predict with only a small (unnuanced) set of variables, or that the more likely outcome of casual sex may be the reduction of something negative as opposed to the addition of something positive. However, the motivation, to achieve positive emotions, was found to predict neutral emotional outcomes. This may suggest that having sex for personal gratification, enjoyment, or fun can lead to an unchanged mood and feelings remaining the same.

Strengths, Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

While the theme of gender differences in attitudes toward casual sex is by no means a new one, we believe that the current study is unique in a number of ways. For one, many studies in this area recruit younger (college-aged) samples. The sample of the current study, recruited via social media, was heterogeneous (and hence more generalizable) in terms of both age and ethnicity. Additionally, few studies have previously attempted to quantify the relationship between emotional motivations for and the emotional outcomes of casual sex.

In the current study participants were asked to refer to their most recent hookup experience but were not asked when this experience occurred. Future studies may wish to quantify this in order to determine whether the passage of time has an impact on emotional outcomes (or perception thereof). It is reasonable to suggest that as time passes since one’s last hookup experience, the strength of the emotions associated with the event may be tempered by temporal distance. Future studies may also benefit from measuring an individual’s sociosexual orientation and general wellbeing as both may be important control variables. For example, an individual that exclusively seeks short-term mating opportunities and/or is psychologically unwell is presumably motivated to engage in sexual behaviour for different reasons than a more stable, relationship oriented person.

The current study clearly defined the term ‘hookup’, based on previous research in the area (Napper et al., 2016; Owen et al., 2011). Defining the term for participants was an important component of the study, to ensure that participants were referring to the same range of sexual behaviours. Research on this phenomenon is methodologically inconsistent and often uses vague definitions for casual sex, such as “use whatever term you use with your friends” (Uecker & Martinez, 2017) and “sexual behavior occurring outside of long-term romantic relationships” (Vrangalova, 2015). However, the frequency with which an individual engaged in casual sex was not measured. Future research may wish to do so as emotions associated with a behaviour (especially highly valent ones) may well be enhanced as the frequency of said behaviour increases.

While the current study compared those who identify as male to those who identify as female, it neglected to gather information regarding transgenderism and gender identities beyond the traditional binary. Doing so was consistent with the weight of previous empirical literature (but see Wilson et al., 2010), however, if for no other reason than scientific rigour, further research into transgender/non-binary populations is needed. Future studies may wish to consider stratifying their sample by gender identity in order to gain a more nuanced understanding of attitudes toward, and emotional outcomes of, casual sex.

Finally, although the sample employed in the current study was ethnically heterogeneous, it was predominantly Caucasian. While this is consistent with the overwhelming majority of previous research, racial discourse in this area is critical to the ongoing discussion surrounding casual sex. Future studies should consider sampling from non-Western areas, or potentially stratisfying their sample by race.

The current study makes a unique and meaningful contribution to the literature in that it established that some (but not all) outcomes of casual sex can be predicted based on understanding an individual’s motivations for engaging in such. Namely, people who engage in sex to regulate negative emotions are likely to experience negative emotional outcomes. It is unclear as to whether this is because causal sex enhances pre-existing negative emotions or is just not an effective method for managing such emotions. It may be that the current study was unable to determine predictors of positive emotional outcomes following casual sex simply because we did not ask the right questions. Future studies in this area may consider conducting qualitative interview research in order to gain a richer and more nuanced understanding of this phenomenon, and potentially insight into attitudes and behaviors associated with favourable emotional outcomes.

The takeaway message of this research is clear: when engaging in anything from a kiss to coital intercourse outside of a committed relationship, ensure your underlying motivation is not to regulate negative emotions.

People foster an illusion of understanding human better than algorithmic decision-making, when in fact, both are black-boxes

Bonezzi, A., Ostinelli, M., & Melzner, J. (2022). The human black-box: The illusion of understanding human better than algorithmic decision-making. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. Feb 1011. https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001181

Abstract: As algorithms increasingly replace human decision-makers, concerns have been voiced about the black-box nature of algorithmic decision-making. These concerns raise an apparent paradox. In many cases, human decision-makers are just as much of a black-box as the algorithms that are meant to replace them. Yet, the inscrutability of human decision-making seems to raise fewer concerns. We suggest that one of the reasons for this paradox is that people foster an illusion of understanding human better than algorithmic decision-making, when in fact, both are black-boxes. We further propose that this occurs, at least in part, because people project their own intuitive understanding of a decision-making process more onto other humans than onto algorithms, and as a result, believe that they understand human better than algorithmic decision-making, when in fact, this is merely an illusion.

From 2000... Why Men Rape... Prevention efforts will founder until they are based on the understanding that rape evolved as a form of male reproductive behavior that needs a program for young men that teaches them to restrain their sexual behavior

Why Men Rape... Prevention efforts will founder until they are based on the understanding that rape evolved as a form of male reproductive behavior. Randy Thornhill, Craig T Palmer. The New York Academy of Sciences, 2000. https://www.csus.edu/indiv/m/merlinos/thornhill.html

Introduction

(1) A friend of ours once told us about her rape. The details hardly matter, but in outline her story is numbingly familiar. After a movie she returned with her date to his car, which had been left in an isolated parking lot. She was expecting him to drive her home. Instead, the man locked the car doors and physically forced her to have sex with him.

(2) Our friend was emotionally scarred by her experience: she became anxious about dating, and even about going out in public. She had trouble sleeping, eating and concentrating on her work. Indeed, like some war veterans, rape victims often suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, in which symptoms such as anxiety, memory loss, obsessive thoughts and emotional numbness linger after a deeply disturbing experience. Yet gruesome ordeals like that of our friend are all too common: in a 1992 survey of American women aged eighteen and older, 13 percent of the respondents reported having been the victim of at least one rape, where rape was defined as unwelcome oral, anal or vaginal penetration achieved through the use or threat of force. Surely, eradicating sexual violence is an issue that modern society should make a top priority. But first a perplexing question must be confronted and answered: Why do men rape?

(3) The quest for the answer to that question has occupied the two of us collectively for more than forty years. As a purely scientific puzzle, the problem is hard enough. But it is further roiled by strong ideological currents. Many social theorists view rape not only as an ugly crime but as a symptom of an unhealthy society, in which men fear and disrespect women. In 1975 the feminist writer Susan Brownmiller asserted that rape is motivated not by lust but by the urge to control and dominate. In the twenty-five years since, Brownmiller's view has become mainstream. All men feel sexual desire, the theory goes, but not all men rape. Rape is viewed as an unnatural behavior that has nothing to do with sex, and one that has no corollary in the animal world.

(4) Undoubtedly, individual rapists may have a variety of motivations. A man may rape because, for instance, he wants to impress his friends by losing his virginity, or because he wants to avenge himself against a woman who has spurned him. But social scientists have not convincingly demonstrated that rapists are not at least partly motivated by sexual desire as well. Indeed, how could a rape take place at all without sexual motivation on the part of the rapist? Isn't sexual arousal of the rapist the one common factor in all rapes, including date rapes, rapes of children, rapes of women under anesthetic and even gang rapes committed by soldiers during war?

Sensory-Tactile Functional Mapping and Use-Associated Structural Variation of the Human Female Genital Representation Field

Sensory-Tactile Functional Mapping and Use-Associated Structural Variation of the Human Female Genital Representation Field. Andrea J. J. Knop, Stephanie Spengler, Carsten Bogler, Carina Forster, Michael Brecht, John-Dylan Haynes and Christine Heim. Journal of Neuroscience, February 9 2022, 42 (6) 1131-1140; https://doi.org/10.1523/JNEUROSCI.1081-21.2021

Abstract: The precise location of the human female genital representation field in the primary somatosensory cortex (S1) is controversial and its capacity for use-associated structural variation as a function of sexual behavior remains unknown. We used a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI)-compatible sensory-tactile stimulation paradigm to functionally map the location of the female genital representation field in 20 adult women. Neural response to tactile stimulation of the clitoral region (vs right hand) identified individually-diverse focal bilateral activations in dorsolateral areas of S1 (BA1–BA3) in alignment with anatomic location. We next used cortical surface analyses to assess structural thickness across the 10 individually most activated vertices per hemisphere for each woman. We show that frequency of sexual intercourse within 12 months is correlated with structural thickness of the individually-mapped left genital field. Our results provide a precise functional localization of the female genital field and provide support for use-associated structural variation of the human genital cortex.

SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT We provide a precise location of the human female genital field in the somatosensory cortex and, for the first time, provide evidence in support of structural variation of the human genital field in association with frequency of genital contact. Our study represents a significant methodological advance by individually mapping genital fields for structural analyses. On a secondary level, our results suggest that any study investigating changes in the human genital field must map the field individually to achieve sufficient precision. Our results pave the way for future research into the plasticity of the human genital cortex as a function of normal or adverse experience as well as changes in pathologic conditions, i.e., sexual dysfunction, sexual deviation, or sexual risk-taking behavior.

Keywords: functional mappinggenital fieldindividual variabilityplasticitysexual behaviorsomatosensory cortex

Discussion

We present novel evidence on the precise location of the female genital representation field and its capacity for use-associated structural variation. Using functional mapping during sensory-tactile stimulation of the clitoral region, we show focal bilateral neural activations within the dorsolateral postcentral gyrus in S1. We show that the individual location of peak neural activations in response to clitoral stimulation varies considerably between women. We applied cortical surface analysis to the individually-mapped ROI to compute structural thickness of the genital field. Correlating the individually-mapped morphologic data with behavioral data on sexual contact, we provide first evidence that thickness of the genital field varies as a function of frequency of genital intercourse in the past 12 months and lifetime, in line with use-associated plasticity.

Our results are noteworthy in several ways. To localize the female genital field, we measured neural response in a tactile-sensory stimulation paradigm that delivers a physiologically valid stimulus as opposed to a previous study using electrical stimulation of the clitoris (Michels et al., 2010). Furthermore, our tactile-sensory stimulation paradigm did not involve touching of body parts adjacent to the clitoris nor did it induce marked sexual arousal as opposed to previous studies using self-delivered or partner-delivered stimulation (Georgiadis et al., 2006, 2009, 2010; Komisaruk et al., 2011). The sole other study that used a sensory-tactile nonarousing stimulation paradigm to localize the genital field was limited to males (Kell et al., 2005). Our stimulation paradigm induced focal targeted neural activations, without inducing neural activation in other brain regions, at comparatively (Kell et al., 2005; Michels et al., 2010) high levels of statistical significance without using somatosensory template masks. Therefore, our data provide unequivocal information about the location of the female genital field and represent a significant methodological advance compared with previous studies that yielded conflicting results (Georgiadis et al., 2006, 2009; Michels et al., 2010; Komisaruk et al., 2011), likely because of confounding factors inherent to stimulation paradigms used in these studies (Pratt et al., 1980; Forss et al., 1994). On a group level, the mean location of the female genital field in the dorsolateral postcentral gyrus, identified in our study, corresponds with the location reported in two of the previous studies in females using electrical (Michels et al., 2010) or partner-delivered manual stimulation (Georgiadis et al., 2006) as well as with the location reported for males in the above-referenced study using sensory-tactile stimulation in males (Kell et al., 2005). Our results confirm a somatotopically-ordered representation of the female clitoris, adjacent to the representation of the hips and upper legs and commensurate with anatomic location, and disprove displaced location in the mesial wall of the precentral lobe. Our results provide independent confirmation for the revision (Kell et al., 2005) of the original homunculus (Penfield and Rasmussen, 1950) and extend the validity of the revised homunculus to women. Our results confirm a bilateral somatosensory representation of the anatomically centered clitoris, in line with histologic mapping data on the localization and bilateral representation of the rat genital cortex (Lenschow et al., 2016; Lauer et al., 2017; Lenschow and Brecht, 2018).

Our results suggest profound variability of the individual location of the genital field within the dorsolateral part of S1 with individual peak activations clearly deviating from the group mean. This means that any study looking at structural variation of the genital field as a function of certain conditions, such as sexual behavior, sexual abuse or sexual dysfunction, must necessarily implement individual mapping of the genital field and compute data, i.e., cortical thickness, on an individual level. Clearly, only by using individually-mapped ROIs, such studies yield precise reliable surface-based parameters for association with specific conditions.

We computed data on structural thickness of the genital field in individually-mapped ROIs, based on the 10 most activated vertices per hemisphere for each woman. We show that individual thickness of the left genital field associates with frequency of sexual intercourse. The association was stronger for genital intercourse within the past 12 months. While less pronounced, the association was significant for lifetime genital contact. Frequency of genital intercourse was not associated with thickness of the representation field of the right hand nor with thickness of the entire cortical mantle, confirming a specific association between genital touch and genital field thickness. This is compatible with the idea that the female genital field has capacity for structural plasticity depending on its use, commensurate with the general “use-it-or-lose-it” principle of experience-dependent plasticity (Hebb, 1947; Elbert and Rockstroh, 2004; Draganski and May, 2008). While injury-dependent or use-dependent plasticity in the human somatosensory cortex has been reported (Elbert et al., 1994, 1995; Flor et al., 1995; Foell et al., 2014), our results are the first to document structural variation of genital field thickness associated with more or less frequent normative use. Our results are in line with findings from animal studies showing that genital brushing during puberty resulted in lateral expansion of the rat and mouse genital cortex (Lenschow et al., 2017; Sigl-Glöckner et al., 2019). Cortical plasticity serves to enhance the efficiency of processing of behaviorally-relevant inputs and represents an adaptive response (Trachtenberg et al., 2002; Markham and Greenough, 2004; Feldman and Brecht, 2005; May, 2011). In an earlier study, we observed decreased thickness of the genital cortex after exposure to childhood sexual abuse, suggesting that highly aversive and developmentally inappropriate sexual stimulation may limit somatosensory representation to decrease processing of detrimental input (Heim et al., 2013).

Several mechanisms might contribute to dynamic use-associated structural plasticity of the genital field. Structural thickening of the mature cortex as a function of use most likely reflects formation of new synapses by axonal sprouting, dendritic arborization, and dendritic spine growth rather than induction of new neurons through neurogenesis (Markham and Greenough, 2004; Feldman and Brecht, 2005; Feldman, 2009; May, 2011). There is substantial evidence on the central role of glutamatergic synapses in mediating plasticity, reflecting rapid components of NMDA receptor-dependent long-term potentiation (LTP) and long-term depression (LTD; Buonomano and Merzenich, 1998; Feldman, 2009). Another mechanism contributing to use-associated structural plasticity may involve alterations in glial-cell mediated myelination (Timmler and Simons, 2019). While oligodendrogenesis is rare (Yeung et al., 2019), the presence of large numbers of premyelinating oligodendrocytes in the human cortex may enable adaptive myelination to adapt conduction velocity to functional demand (Gibson et al., 2014). Future studies in humans should use novel imaging tools that allow for assessing cortical myelin density (Amunts and Zilles, 2015) to study genital field plasticity. Further, neural activation in response to somatosensory stimulation depends on axonal input from the thalamus (Feldman, 2009). When removing afferent somatosensory input from the thalamus, dendritic spine numbers of somatosensory cortical neurons attenuate (Lendvai et al., 2000). When exposing rats to genital touch or sexual contact during puberty, invading thalamo-cortical afferents promote the expansion of the female genital cortex (Lenschow et al., 2016). Future studies on genital field plasticity should therefore include assessments of thalamo-cortical connectivity and myelination.

It must be noted that use-associated variation of structural thickness of the female genital field in our study was limited to the left hemisphere. This lateralized effect is puzzling given that the neural representation of the clitoris is bilateral. Left-hemispheric dominance of neural plasticity has been reported for learning-dependent structural change after coordination and motor skill training (Draganski et al., 2004; Taubert et al., 2010; Rogge et al., 2018). Such lateralized plasticity may reflect hemispheric specialization (Serrien et al., 2006). In the above referenced study (Heim et al., 2013), thinning of the genital field after sexual abuse was limited to the left hemisphere. While we cannot comprehensively explain these findings, one plausible mechanism may involve lateralized limbic-cortical modulation of sensory afferent inputs into the genital field, leading to unilateral associations of sexual behavior with genital field morphology.

While our localization of the female genital field was experimental in nature, our investigation of the capacity of the genital field for structural variation as a function of genital contact was cross-sectional and relied on retrospective self-report of genital intercourse. Our results align with the general principle of an association between frequency of genital intercourse and structural variation, albeit the direction of effect is a matter of discussion. It is conceivable that thickness of the genital field may drive frequency of sexual intercourse. Results from animal models provide causal that clitoral stimulation drives genital field thickness (Lenschow et al., 2016; Lenschow and Brecht, 2018). Future prospective studies or studies exploiting quasi-experimental conditions, such as induction of behavior change during sexual therapy, are needed to establish causality.

In conclusion, we provide an unequivocal localization of the female genital field in S1 and support for use-associated plasticity of the human genital field. On a secondary level, our findings support the notion that studies investigating change of the human genital field must map the field individually. Our results pave the way for future research into the plasticity of the human genital field as a function of normal or adverse experience as well as genital field structure, function and plasticity in pathologic conditions, such sexual dysfunction, sexual deviation, or sexual risk-taking behavior.

Those from low control environments will invest less in pathogen-avoidance strategies (disgust) vs pathogen management (prophylactic immunological activity

Control over pathogen exposure and basal immunological activity influence disgust and pathogen-avoidance motivation. Hannah Bradshaw, Jeff Gassen, Marjorie Prokosch, Gary Boehm & Sarah Hill. Cognition and Emotion, Feb 9 2022. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2022.2031905

Abstract: Disgust is reasoned to operate in conjunction with the immune system to help protect the body from illness. However, less is known about the factors that impact the degree to which individuals invest in pathogen avoidance (disgust) versus pathogen management (prophylactic immunological activity). Here, we examine the role that one’s control over pathogen contact plays in resolving such investment trade-offs, predicting that (a) those from low control environments will invest less in pathogen-avoidance strategies and (b) investment in each of these two strategies will occur in a compensatory fashion (i.e. they will be traded off with one other). Across four studies, we found support for these predictions, using a variety of manipulations and measures. By providing novel insights into how one’s control over pathogen exposure influences disgust sensitivity and immune system activity, the current research poses an important contribution to the literature on disgust, pathogen avoidance, and the immune system.

Keywords: disgustcontrolpathogen avoidanceimmune systemfunctional flexibility

Universals & preferential reactions to Western music in 53 countries: trait Extraversion was correlated with stronger reactions to contemporary music, whereas trait Openness was correlated with stronger reactions to sophisticated music

Universals and variations in musical preferences: A study of preferential reactions to Western music in 53 countries. Greenberg, D. M., Wride, S. J., Snowden, D. A., Spathis, D., Potter, J., & Rentfrow, P. J. (2022). Universals and variations in musical preferences: A study of preferential reactions to Western music in 53 countries. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 122(2), 286–309. Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspp0000397

Are there universal patterns in musical preferences? To address this question, we built on theory and research in personality, cultural, and music psychology to map the terrain of preferences for Western music using data from 356,649 people across six continents. In Study 1 (N = 284,935), participants in 53 countries completed a genre favorability measure, and in Study 2 (N = 71,714), participants in 36 countries completed an audio-based measure of preferential reactions to music. Both studies included self-report measures of the Big Five personality traits and demographics. Results converged to show that individual differences in preferences for Western music can be organized in terms of five latent factors that are invariant (i.e., universal) across countries and that generalize across assessment methods. Furthermore, the patterns of correlations between personality traits and musical preferences were largely consistent across countries and assessment methods. For example, trait Extraversion was correlated with stronger reactions to Contemporary musical styles (which feature rhythmic, upbeat, and electronic attributes), whereas trait Openness was correlated with stronger reactions to Sophisticated musical styles (which feature complex and cerebral attributes often heard in improvisational and instrumental music). The patterns of correlations between musical preferences and gender differences, ethnicity, and other sociodemographic metrics were also largely invariant across countries. Together, these findings strongly suggest that there are universal patterns in preferences for Western music, providing a foundation on which to develop and test hypotheses about the interactions between music, psychology, biology, and culture.