Effects of adversity on wisdom: Little evidence of positive change in wise-reasoning over the course of a year

From 2021... None the wiser: Year-long longitudinal study on effects of adversity on wisdom. Anna Dorfman et al. European Journal of Personality, May 17, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1177/08902070211014057

Abstract: Research on consequences of adversity appears inconclusive. Adversity can be detriment to mental health, promoting maladaptive patterns of thoughts. At the same time, posttraumatic growth studies suggest that overcoming major adversity facilitates growth in wisdom-related patterns of thoughts. We address this puzzle by examining how distinct types of adversity impact wisdom over time and how individual differences in self-distanced (rather than self-immersed) reflection on adversity relate to different wisdom trajectories. In a four-wave prospective year-long study, participants (N = 499) recalled and reflected every three months on the most significant recent adverse event in their life. They reported how much they engaged in wise reasoning—intellectual humility, open-mindedness to diverse perspectives and change, search for compromises and resolution—as well as self-distancing during reflections. Independent raters identified seven distinct adversity types (e.g. social conflict, economic hardship, major trauma) in open-ended descriptions. Growth curve analyses revealed little evidence of positive change in wise-reasoning over the course of a year, and some evidence of negative change for health-related adversity. Although self-distancing was associated with stability in wisdom, self-immersing was associated with negative change in wisdom in reflections on social conflicts over time. We discuss implications these results have for adversity, change vs. resilience in character strengths, and self-distancing.

Keywords: adversity, wisdom, character strengths, self-distancing, resilience

Discussion

In the present research, we used a year-long longitudinal study to examine how different ways people reflect on their adversity—self-distancing vs. self-immersing—prospectively inform changes in wisdom. In addition, we explored the relationship between different forms of adversity and prospective changes in wisdom.

Self-distanced vs. self-immersed reflection on adversity

To address the first question, we examined how inter- and intra-individual differences in self-distancing are associated with wisdom trajectories following adversity. We suggested that greater self-distancing in reflection an adverse experience may facilitate resilience and possibly even growth in wisdom over time. Overall, we found that inter-individual differences in self-distancing did not significantly qualify the trajectory of wisdom. In other words, people who on average self-distance more than others do not show different wisdom for adversities involving social conflicts trajectories. In contrast, intra-individual differences in self-distancing did qualify the trajectory of wisdom. Specifically, participants who reported self-distancing less from social conflicts than their general level subsequently showed a negative trajectory of wisdom. Participants who reported self-distancing more from adversity than their general level sustained wisdom over the same period. Together, these findings suggest that maintaining or developing a self-distanced perspective on social conflicts is associated with sustaining wisdom over time. Self-distancing may be related to mechanisms such as meaning-making and deliberative rumination. This idea is in line with recent research on memory updating during clinical interventions. A recent study found that shifting perspectives from self-immersion to self-distancing when working through stressful past experiences helped to create new meaning for these experiences (Romano et al., 2020).

Our results extend recent evidence from a pre–post experimental field study that examined effects of self-distanced reflection training for wisdom (Grossmann, Dorfman, Oakes, et al., 2021). When examining responses on the same scale as used in the present longitudinal study (Grossmann, Dorfman, Oakes, et al., 2021, Study 1 supplement), participants who trained in self-distancing sustained a comparable degree of self-reported wisdom from before-to-after the self-distancing intervention. In contrast, control participants who did not train in self-distanced reflection showed a decline in wisdom. These findings further qualify a set of theoretical models about wisdom development, which suggest that individual differences competences similar to self-distancing can promote growth in wisdom over time (e.g. Glück et al., 2019). Although these models so far have chiefly focused on inter-individual competences, it is possible that intra-individual change in competences is the driving force behind wisdom maintenance and development.

It is noteworthy that the effects of self-distancing on wisdom trajectory were particularly pronounced for social conflicts. Social conflicts often involve disagreements of parties pursuing different interests. Consequently, it is possible that social conflicts are both more likely to call for wisdom (Grossmann, 2017; Grossmann, Dorfman, et al., 2020). They are also more frequent compared to more singular events such as a major health scare. Thus, social conflicts may produce enough variance in responses to detect growth/decline trajectories. At the same time, the current operationalization of wisdom builds on measures designed specifically for the context of social disagreements and conflicts (Brienza et al., 2018). Consequently, future work may benefit from metrics specifically designed for contexts capturing nuances of medical or economic adversities.

These longitudinal findings also extend the existing literature of self-distancing (Kross & Ayduk, 2017), highlighting the distinction between inter-individual, “trait-like” differences in self-distancing and intra-individual variability from this trait-like level. Further understanding of self-distancing effects will benefit from additional longitudinal studies over longer time frames and across a broader range of psychological processes such as emotion regulation and relational maintenance strategies.

Another insight regarding self-distancing relates to the trajectory of self-distancing for different types of adversity. We found a similar self-distancing trajectory across many different types of adversity, suggesting that the way people engage in self-distancing was largely robust across adversity type (but see minor exceptions in the supplement).

Are all types of adversities alike?

In our exploratory analyses, we classified different types of adversity participants reported experiencing during the year. While some participants reported experiencing the same type of events several times, we observed considerable inter- and intra-individual variability in the types of adversity participants reported. Ratings of subjective event characteristics (i.e. construal of the event) shed further light on differences between adversity types. In particular, social conflicts, economic hardships, and health issues were perceived as more challenging than daily hassles, academic/work setbacks, and even traumas. Also, social conflicts, others’ health problems, and major traumas elicited more negative affect than other types of adversity. Finally, others’ health problems were perceived as less predictable than all other adversity types reported in the study.

Though construal of an event as less predictable may signal uncertainty and low locus of control (Affleck, Tennen, Pfeiffer, et al., 1987), it may also signal greater recognition flexibility that is needed in the situation, which is central to the wisdom construct (Grossmann, 2017). Indeed, participants reported greater wisdom in reflection on adversity involving others’ health problems as compared to other types of adversity. More wisdom in reflections about other-focused adversity than self-focused adversities also corresponded with existing experimental evidence in the wisdom literature, which suggests that people exhibit greater wisdom when reflecting on others’ (vs. their own) problems (Grossmann & Kross, 2014). The insight that different types of adverse events may be associated with different outcomes depending on people’s subjective appraisals of the event (Beck, 2002; Folkman & Lazarus, 1985; Yih et al., 2019) may be especially critical for posttraumatic growth research. We note this because the posttraumatic growth research so far has either chiefly focused on one type of adversity (major trauma) or has not differentiated between adversity types in the first place (e.g. Engels et al., 2019; cf. Infurna & Luthar, 2016; Jayawickreme et al., 2021; Luhmann & Eid, 2009).

Focusing on wisdom, we observed no evidence for posttraumatic growth for any type of adversity participants reported. For major trauma, economic and work-related challenges, and daily hassles, participants reported a high degree of rank-order stability in wisdom, with no change in trajectories over a period of a year. In contrast, for adversity involving health issues, we observed a negative linear trajectory in wisdom over time. It is possible that people who are dealing with personal health problems are more self-focused. As a result, they may report wisdom-related meta-cognitions such as perspectivism less than people who reflect on other types of adversity. Together, these longitudinal observations of the ways people work through different types of adversity suggest potentially distinct trajectories of wisdom over time, casting doubt on the idea of general growth in wisdom after experiencing adversity.

The overall trajectory of wisdom in the face of adversity may be best characterized as reflecting resilience—i.e. the maintenance of stable levels of psychological (and physical) functioning in the face of adversity (Luthar et al., 2000). The assumption that wisdom stability is a sign of resilience dovetails with other emerging longitudinal studies on trajectories of character strengths following adversity. Like the present results, these studies document resilience rather than positive changes (e.g. Chopik et al., 2020; Davis et al., 2019).

Change in character over time: Nuances matter

This research contributes to the emerging study of change and resilience in specific character strengths and virtues (Lamade et al., 2020), responding to calls to integrate prospective research on specific character strengths into the resilience and growth research (Infurna & Jayawickreme, 2019; Letzring et al., 2005). Enriching previous research on resilience and growth, which has primarily examined general changes in well-being (Jayawickreme & Blackie, 2016), the current investigation provides a detailed and nuanced picture of wisdom trajectories. Specifically, sustained wisdom-related resilience in response to adversity may depend on type of adversity and how individuals reflect on this adversity. Such fine-grained studies have been largely missing from the literature (Denissen et al., 2019; Infurna & Jayawickreme, 2019; Jayawickreme & Blackie, 2014). The resilience in wisdom observed in the current study is also noteworthy given that resilience may not be as commonplace as previously believed (Bonanno et al., 2002; Infurna & Luthar, 2018; Infurna et al., 2017). Recent studies show that for a significant number of people, adverse life events bring negative change in character strengths and self-esteem (Bleidorn et al., 2021; Chopik et al., 2020). For example, examining U.S. soldiers pre- and post-deployment, Chopik et al. (2020) found that 40% of soldiers experienced negative changes in character strengths post-deployment. The rest of the sample remained stable post-deployment. If resilience in general is not commonplace, and change is often negative, maintaining wisdom—a unique strength—in the face of adversity may be at least as important as experiencing “growth” in wisdom, because a likely alternative is a decrease in this character strength.

Why did we fail to observe positive changes in wisdom over time in response to adverse events? First, one year may not be enough time to observe meaningful changes in character, especially changes in wisdom, as most changes may happen more gradually over longer periods (e.g. McAdams & Olson, 2010). Second, significant changes in wisdom may be driven by non-normative life events (Chopik et al., 2019). In our sample, participants considered the events they reported as relatively common and not particularly likely to transform their worldview (the event characteristics of different adversity types are presented in supplemental analysis 2.d. and Figure S1 in the Supplemental Materials). Future longitudinal research that tracks people for more than one year can help answer some of these questions. Such studies can help to determine whether wisdom trajectories and the effects of self-distancing differ for lower base-rate adverse events (e.g. a life-threatening assault) or unexpected circumstances (e.g. prolonged social isolation during a pandemic).

Focusing on wisdom expands the discussion of posttraumatic growth and character change beyond personality traits. The narrative identity approach to posttraumatic change examines changes in how people construe and “narrate” their lives following traumatic life events (McAdams, 1996; Pals & McAdams, 2004). Likewise, wisdom can be understood through the ways people approach and reflect on adverse experiences (Weststrate & Glück, 2017; Weststrate et al., 2018; also see Staudinger & Glück, 2011, for a review). In contrast to the changes that people report when describing their “life stories” after a major adverse event (Pals, 2006), our findings suggest that growth in wisdom—reflected in specific meta-cognitions and moral aspirations of the CWM—does not typically change much at all. These findings challenge the folk belief that people can grow stronger and become “wiser” following adverse events they experience in their lives. Rather, the findings emphasize the importance of self-distanced reflection on adverse events in helping to prevent stagnation and decline in wisdom.

While our study focused on wisdom-related responses to concrete events using items concerning moral aspirations and meta-cognition, other conceptualizations and measures may show different trajectories following adversity. In particular, it is possible that more abstract characterizations of wisdom, using context-free metrics, or self-reports of one’s narrative identity may produce results more in line with common lay theories about growth from adversity (e.g. Glück et al., 2019). It is also possible that more nuanced measures, which build on common ways people of different socio-economic and sub-cultural groups express their intellectual humility, open-mindedness, or perspective-taking, could show greater variability in wisdom-related meta-cognitions over time. Future research could examine prospective changes in wisdom as an autobiographical narrative (e.g. Glück et al., 2005), personality characteristic (Staudinger et al., 2005), and personality resource (Glück et al., 2019), as well as consider employing a multi-method approach relying on simultaneous assessment of wisdom across different operationalizations (e.g. Baltes & Staudinger, 2000; Jeste et al., 2010; Webster, 2003).

Despite the substantial diversity of our study sample in age and socio-economic background, most participants were White, with less than a quarter of participants from other ethnic groups, limiting the generalizability of the insights to other populations. Moreover, the study was solely based on participants from English-speaking North America, raising questions about whether these effects would generalize to other cultures. Future research must focus on exploring and understanding the types and appraisals of adverse events that are experienced by culturally diverse groups. Indeed, wisdom trajectories could be different for different cultural and ethnic groups, who may also differ in their propensity to engage in self-distanced reflections (Grossmann & Kross, 2010).

COVID-19: Those who have had an infection and recovered appear slightly happier than others

The comeback effect: How happy are people who have recovered from a COVID-19 infection? Micael Dahlen et al. International Journal of Wellbeing, Vol. 12 No. 2 (2022). May 2022. https://doi.org/10.5502/ijw.v12i2.2019

Abstract: There is already a large body of research on the dramatic negative effects of COVID-19 on peoples’ mental and physical health. Millions of people have died, and the pandemic has negatively influenced the lives of billions of people. Luckily however, the vast majorty of people infected with the virus, recovers. The happiness and wellbeing of these people have not been extensively studied. In the current paper, we ask the question: Are people who have recovered from a COVID-19 infection happier than those who have not been infected at all? Building on previous research on hedonic adaptation and counterfactual thinking, we hypothesize, and find, that those who have had an infection appear slightly happier than others.  The study relies on two surveys conducted in Sweden during the pandemic in 2020 (n=1029) and 2021 (n=1788).

The physical attractiveness of interaction partners is rated higher after a getting-acquainted interaction

Ratings of the physical attractiveness of an interaction partner after a getting-acquainted interaction. Susan Sprecher, Elaine Hatfield. Personal Relationships. May 20 2022. https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.12422

Statement of Relevance: Physical attractiveness plays a critical role in interpersonal interaction. It can be particularly important in initial interactions because it is the most salient characteristic in the get-acquainted process. How people judge the physical attractiveness of a conversation partner after a getting-acquainted interaction may be affected by a number of factors, including perceiver characteristics (e.g., relationship status) and the context of the interaction (e.g., mode of communication). This research provided analyses of data collected from several prior social interaction studies in which data were obtained from young adults on how they rated their getting-acquainted partner's physical attractiveness. These ratings were compared to other benchmarks (e.g., experimenter ratings) and were examined for their associations with perceiver and contextual variables.

Abstract: This study examined college students' judgments of the physical attractiveness of an interaction partner after a getting-acquainted interaction, including in comparison with other benchmarks (e.g., an experimenter rating, a self-rating). With data combined from several past laboratory studies, we found that participants (particularly women who were interacting with another woman) overall rated their interaction partner after a brief interaction to be more attractive than three benchmarks: (1) how the partners were judged by more neutral experimenters who had less interaction with them; (2) how the partners rated themselves; and (3) the participants' own self-ratings of physical attractiveness. Evidence was found for a prediction derived from interaction appearance theory – ratings of the quality (enjoyment) of the interaction were positively associated with ratings of the partner's physical attractiveness. We also explored whether participants' ratings of the physical attractiveness of their interaction partner were affected by factors about the participant (own physical attractiveness, relationship status) and about the context of their communication (modality, type of get-acquainted task). Despite prior work suggesting that physical attractiveness ratings of others are malleable depending on a host of other factors, personal and contextual variables considered in this study were generally not associated with how the participants rated the physical attractiveness of their interaction partner.

This provocation argues that up to 50% of the articles that are now being published in many interdisciplinary sustainability and transitions journals may be categorized as "scholarly bullshit"

Bullshit in the Sustainability and Transitions Literature: a Provocation. Julian Kirchherr. Circular Economy and Sustainability, May 20 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s43615-022-00175-9

Abstract: Research on sustainability and transitions is burgeoning. Some of this research is helping to solve humankind’s most pressing problems. However, as this provocation argues, up to 50% of the articles that are now being published in many interdisciplinary sustainability and transitions journals may be categorized as “scholarly bullshit.” These are articles that typically engage with the latest sustainability and transitions buzzword (e.g., circular economy), while contributing little to none to the scholarly body of knowledge on the topic. A typology of “scholarly bullshit” is proposed which includes the following archetypes: boring question scholarship, literature review of literature reviews, recycled research, master thesis madness, and activist rants. Since “scholarly bullshit” articles engage with the latest academic buzzwords, they also tend to accumulate significant citations and are thus welcomed by many journal editors. Citations matter most in the metric-driven logic of the academic system, and this type of scholarship, sadly, is thus unlikely to decrease in the coming years.

On the Root Causes of Scholarly Bullshit

There appears to be a lot of scholarly bullshit out there. A previous version of this manuscript stated that at least 50% of the articles published in sustainability and transitions journals may be categorized as scholarly bullshit. This figure has also been noted in the introduction. Two reviewers of this work asked how this figure has been developed. The author of this provocation has selected ca. 100 articles published recently on CE in well-known journals such as Journal of Cleaner Production, Ecological Economics, and Sustainability. The author could instantly categorize at least 50% of these articles in one of the five archetypes proposed in Table 1 and thus suggests that perhaps up to 50% of the articles that are now being published in many interdisciplinary sustainability and transitions journals could be categorized as “scholarly bullshit.” Admittedly, and at the risk of turning this provocation into a parody, the author notes that further work ought to be undertaken to strengthen this initial estimate. After all, ca. 100 articles are not representative of the vast scholarly CE literature and any set of articles ought to be coded by at least two scholars to ensure reliability.

The author also maintains that many scholars appear to agree that too much inferior quality is published in many sustainability and transitions journals. For instance, one of the reviewers of this paper noted in their review: “Interesting, provocative article […]. The author […] touches a topic that is […] a reality. I must say that I don't disagree with the general comment about the load and quality of papers published.” Meanwhile, the editor-in-chief of one of the most respected sustainability and transitions journal wrote to the author regarding an earlier version of this manuscript upon submission to their journal: “I may meet resistance from my co-editors, but I will defend your paper. This needs to be said.” (Sadly, the co-editors sacked the paper, and it then took a while until this provocation found a home in a respected peer-reviewed journal.)

Additionally, it appears that an increasing number of academicians in the field would agree that the share of scholarly bullshit is unlikely to decrease in the coming years. After all, if one searches journals such as Journal of Cleaner Production and Ecological Economics, one finds that articles containing the latest buzzwords, such as “circular economy,” are among the most cited pieces. Publishing such works has caused the impact factors of many journals to skyrocket. Accordingly, there is a certain fear among the editors of these journals that they will miss the next highly cited article. At the same time, the sheer volume and growth of this sustainability and transitions buzzword scholarship guarantees that almost any article on the topic will garner at least a modest number of citations.

This all also drives more and more authors into publishing on the very latest buzzword, e.g., “circular economy,” which creates a perpetuum mobile respectively vicious circle (depending on your perspective) regarding publications on such topics. Given this dynamic, the author of this work contends that, at this point, it is very difficult not to get a piece entailing the latest sustainability and transitions buzzword published in an at least relatively known peer-reviewed journal. All contributors (journal editors, authors) know they may be producing scholarly bullshit; however, publishing such works is advantageous for everyone involved in this contemporary academic system.

These scholarly bullshit publications, in turn, as also noted by a reviewer of this paper, are driven, from a roots cause perspective, by the need for tenure respectively the aim to secure promotion and funding. Those who seek this are usually required to demonstrate recognition of their work in the scholarly community which is operationalized by having published many highly cited works on a topic that is en vogue. People need permanent jobs and the desire to acquire funding and promotions is also understandable. It may thus not be fair to blame all academicians out there for churning out scholarly bullshit. Rather, the focus may be turned to the elites that have designed an academic system that mistakes publishing many highly cited papers for the advancement of science. In other words: the academic system is so focused on quantitative targets that it may have forgotten what these targets were supposed to measure.

Replacing this system with one that eventually produces less scholarly bullshit is no trivial task. Those running this system have proven significant staying power. However, some scholars in the field of sustainability and transitions literature and beyond still appear to/may be able to care about more than their h-index. The next time these scholars embark on a piece of research, they should ask themselves: “Is this me now merely adding to the pile of scholarly bullshit? Or am I contributing to the advancement of knowledge in my field?” And even those scholars who are driven by the metrics of the academic system may find that true contributions could gather the most recognition in the end.

People judge facial attractiveness more accurately for female faces while giving more accurate wealth judgments for male faces

Gender Biases in the Accuracy of Facial Judgments: Facial Attractiveness and Perceived Socioeconomic Status. Yue Qi and Jia Ying. Front. Psychol., May 31 2022 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.884888

Product: Many studies demonstrate that people form their first impression of a stranger based on facial appearance, and these impressions influence their subsequent decisions and behaviors. However, much less research has examined the factors that moderate the accuracy of first impressions based on a photo of face. The present study included three experiments to explore gender differences in the accuracy of impressions based on faces. The results showed that people judge facial attractiveness more accurately for female faces than for male faces while giving more accurate wealth judgments for male faces than for female faces. Interestingly, although we did not find a significant correlation between confidence ratings and the accuracy of wealth rating, we recognized a significant moderate correlation between confidence ratings and the accuracy of attractiveness ratings when female participants rated male faces. To our knowledge, the present study is the first to reveal gender biases in the accuracy of impression judgments based on facial appearance. These findings imply a significant influence of traditional gender roles on accurate facial judgments.

General Discussion

The present study showed that people give more accurate judgments of the facial attractiveness of female faces than of male faces and give more accurate wealth judgments for male faces than for female faces. To our knowledge, the current research is the first to show gender biases in the accuracy of impressions formed from faces. This indicates an important role of facial gender in shaping accurate first impressions.

The differences in judgment accuracy of male and female faces may be caused by differences in traditional gender roles. From an evolutionary perspective, these gender biases have been linked to the production and survival of offspring. A man’s reproductive potential is related more to his (economic) resources. In contrast, a woman’s reproductive potential is associated more closely with her health, which may be related to physical attractiveness (Luxen and Van De Vijver, 2006). Thus, females might be more familiar with others’ evaluations of their own facial attractiveness and thus achieve a higher level of consistency on self-other agreement. These results are also consistent with previous findings that facial gender is a salient facial cue in face processing and has an effect on other types of information (e.g., expression) processing (Liu et al., 2017). Moreover, Maner et al. (2003) found that both male and female observers selectively focus on physically attractive female targets according to the targets’ facial photos, suggesting that people care more about female facial attractiveness than male facial attractiveness. The more attention that is paid to female facial attractiveness, the more accurate the judgments that can be made based on facial appearance.

In contrast to the findings about female faces in Studies 1 and 2, Study 3 revealed that people tend to rate perceived socioeconomic status (SES) more accurately for male faces than for female faces. In mate selection, SES is of great significance to males since females are more attentive to resources that can be invested in themselves and their offspring (Wang et al., 2018). Thus, on the one hand, males will expend more effort to increase their SES and recognize SES differences between themselves and competitors so that they can attract potential mates. On the other hand, females will seek as much evidence as possible to confirm their judgment of males’ SES to help them “make a good choice”. Moreover, because the number of male billionaires is larger than that of females all over the world (Wai, 2014; Forbes, 2022) and there is more media news or information related to wealthy males than to wealthy females, people may learn more useful cues to help them rate males’ SES, even using only faces. Therefore, people’s gender stereotypes are enhanced when SES is highly correlated with males in society. Similar gender bias is also found in research on how masculine facial cues play a key role in competence impressions (Oh et al., 2019). When people evaluate traits or personalities, the more evidence they accumulate and the more information they have observed and mastered, the higher the accuracy of their judgments and evaluations will be (Watson et al., 2000; Biesanz et al., 2007). These findings provide cross-validation of our hypothesis that people may pay more attention to the characteristics that are consistent with gender roles (e.g., the attractiveness of women, the socioeconomic status of men), thus accumulating more evidence that helps them make more accurate judgments.

The current findings regarding gender bias show the great social influences on gender differences. The higher accuracy of judgments of the facial attractiveness of female faces and of the wealth of male faces indicates that people can make relatively accurate judgments about these factors based only on faces. More importantly, it suggests that when the characteristics are consistent with gender stereotypes and are emphasized by society, people assign more attention to the characteristics of the gender. As a result, by accumulating more experience and evidence, people can make more accurate judgments. On the positive side, people can quickly establish a relatively accurate impression of some characteristics that fit gender stereotypes to benefit their daily life interactions. However, the restricted accuracy of impressions based on face photos should receive more research attention. On the negative side, people put little effort into learning about characteristics that conflict with gender stereotypes, which might aggravate gender stereotypes across society. In addition, in Studies 2 and 3, we found that males rated characteristics that conflict with gender stereotypes more accurately than females did, which suggests that males might be affected less by gender stereotypes. This finding could be further examined in future research.

The analysis of confidence ratings implies that although the participants were able to make relatively accurate judgments, they may have struggled to be aware of their judgment accuracy. Participants might not realize whether they have extracted useful information from faces to help them make judgments. In addition, it is possible that they might not be sure of the gap between their own standards and external standards while giving their ratings. However, in Study 2, the significant moderate correlation between confidence ratings and rating accuracy when female participants rated male faces is interesting and is in line with research showing that females exhibit higher levels of interpersonal sensitivity than males (Chan et al., 2010). Despite female participants’ higher accuracy when rating female faces, they had a clearer awareness when rating male faces. When rating male faces, even though male participants rated them more accurately, they failed to recognize their rating accuracy. However, we did not find a similar result in Study 3. Overall, these results show that although gender bias exists in terms of judgment accuracy, people do not have a relatively clear awareness of their rating behaviors and the gender bias of their judgments. This means that during the rating process, people might have underlying evaluation references that they are unaware of, which could be explored more thoroughly in the future.

Republicans abhor 'critical race theory' more than 'cancel culture'

The new culture wars: Why critical race theory matters more than cancel culture. Eric Kaufmann. Social Science Quarterly, May 27 2022. https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13156

Abstract

Background: A set of ‘New Culture Wars’ over questions of majority identity protection and free speech have become important in American politics, but have not received attention from empirical political science

Objective: Compare the relative size of partisan differences on issues of ‘Cancel Culture’ and ‘Critical Race Theory’.

Method: Logistic regression models using attitudes toward real-world Cancel Culture and Critical Race Theory examples to predict partisanship.

Results: Data show that Republican voters are no more likely to fear career consequences or dismissal for speech than Democrats. Republicans are also more opposed to teaching critical perspectives on race and history in schools than they are to employees being fired for dissenting speech within organizations. Strong white identifiers are both more opposed to diversity training which emphasizes white racism and less opposed to firing people for disputed cases of racist or sexist speech.

Conclusion: Due to the distinctive moral foundations of conservative voters, this paper argues that perceived attacks on white and American identity are a more powerful source of grievance for Republican voters than concerns over freedom of expression. It is hypothesized that the conservative moral foundation of group loyalty helps to explain these findings.

"Gold rush" counties have higher entrepreneurship rates from 1910, when records began, until the present as well as a higher prevalence of entrepreneurial traits in the populace

Stuetzer, Michael and Brodeur, Abel and Brodeur, Abel and Obschonka, Martin and Audretsch, David B. and Rentfrow, Jason and Potter, Jeff and Gosling, Samuel, A Golden Opportunity: The Gold Rush, Entrepreneurship and Culture. IZA Discussion Paper No. 14894, May 2022, http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4114397

Abstract: We study the origins of entrepreneurship (culture) in the United States. For the analysis we make use of a quasi-natural experiment - the gold rush in the second part of the 19th century. We argue that the presence of gold attracted individuals with entrepreneurial personality traits. Due to a genetic founder effect and the formation of an entrepreneurship culture, we expect gold rush counties to have higher entrepreneurship rates. The analysis shows that gold rush counties indeed have higher entrepreneurship rates from 1910, when records began, until the present as well as a higher prevalence of entrepreneurial traits in the populace.

Keywords: gold rush, entrepreneurship, culture

JEL Classification: L26, R12, N5, N9

Participants were no more or less likely to report romantic interest in potential partners who matched vs mismatched their ideals; ideal partner preference-matching effects were extremely small and typically no different from zero

Predicting romantic interest during early relationship development: A preregistered investigation using machine learning. Paul W Eastwick et al. European Journal of Personality, May 28, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1177/08902070221085877

Abstract: There are massive literatures on initial attraction and established relationships. But few studies capture early relationship development: the interstitial period in which people experience rising and falling romantic interest for partners who could—but often do not—become sexual or dating partners. In this study, 208 single participants reported on 1,065 potential romantic partners across 7,179 data points over 7 months. In stage 1, we used random forests (a type of machine learning) to estimate how well different classes of variables (e.g., individual differences vs. target-specific constructs) predicted participants’ romantic interest in these potential partners. We also tested (and found only modest support for) the perceiver × target moderation account of compatibility: the meta-theoretical perspective that some types of perceivers experience greater romantic interest for some types of targets. In stage 2, we used multilevel modeling to depict predictors retained by the random-forests models; robust (positive) main effects emerged for many variables, including sociosexuality, sex drive, perceptions of the partner’s positive attributes (e.g., attractive and exciting), attachment features (e.g., proximity seeking), and perceived interest. Finally, we found no support for ideal partner preference-matching effects on romantic interest. The discussion highlights the need for new models to explain the origin of romantic compatibility.

Keywords: attraction, romantic relationships, hookups, compatiblity, random forests

A third of respondents reported remembering a fabricated or factually altered political event, especially if it was unflattering to the political opponent

Filling in the Gaps: False Memories and Partisan Bias. Miles T. Armaly, Adam M. Enders. Political Psychology, May 27 2022. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12841

Abstract: While cognitive psychologists have learned a great deal about people's propensity for constructing and acting on false memories, the connection between false memories and politics remains understudied. If partisan bias guides the adoption of beliefs and colors one's interpretation of new events and information, so too might it prove powerful enough to fabricate memories of political circumstances. Across two studies, we first distinguish false memories from false beliefs and expressive responses; false political memories appear to be genuine and subject to partisan bias. We also examine the political and psychological correlates of false memories. Nearly a third of respondents reported remembering a fabricated or factually altered political event, with many going so far as to convey the circumstances under which they “heard about” the event. False-memory recall is correlated with the strength of partisan attachments, interest in politics, and participation, as well as narcissism, conspiratorial thinking, and cognitive ability.

Depression: Human brain systems have significantly different pattern of adolescent development in females vs males; developmental differences that are located in cortical areas/subcortical nuclei are psychologically, genomically, clinically relevant

Sexually divergent development of depression-related brain networks during healthy human adolescence. Lena Dorfschmidt et al. Science Advances, May 27 2022, Vol 8, Issue 21, DOI 10.1126/sciadv.abm7825

Abstract: Sexual differences in human brain development could be relevant to sex differences in the incidence of depression during adolescence. We tested for sex differences in parameters of normative brain network development using fMRI data on N = 298 healthy adolescents, aged 14 to 26 years, each scanned one to three times. Sexually divergent development of functional connectivity was located in the default mode network, limbic cortex, and subcortical nuclei. Females had a more “disruptive” pattern of development, where weak functional connectivity at age 14 became stronger during adolescence. This fMRI-derived map of sexually divergent brain network development was robustly colocated with i prior loci of reward-related brain activation ii a map of functional dysconnectivity in major depressive disorder (MDD), and iii an adult brain gene transcriptional pattern enriched for genes on the X chromosome, neurodevelopmental genes, and risk genes for MDD. We found normative sexual divergence in adolescent development of a cortico-subcortical brain functional network that is relevant to depression.

DISCUSSION

This study was motivated by the twin hypotheses that there are sex-divergent differences in brain functional network development of healthy adolescents and that these normative developmental differences are located in cortical areas and subcortical nuclei that are psychologically, genomically, and clinically relevant to depression. In this accelerated longitudinal fMRI study of healthy young people, we first identified human brain systems that demonstrated a significantly different pattern of adolescent development in females compared to males. We found sex differences in several aspects of FC: Females had lower global mean FC across all ages and reduced nodal strength of connectivity in most regional nodes at 14 years, FC14. However, there were more anatomically specific sex differences in two developmentally sensitive parameters: The rate of change in FC during adolescence, FC14 − 26, was significantly reduced in females for connections between one cortical nucleus (nucleus accumbens) and 27 cortical structures, and the MI, a coefficient of the linear relationship between edgewise FC14 and FC14 − 26 at each node, was significantly more negative in females for 107 cortical areas concentrated in the DMN, ventral attentional, and limbic networks, as well as subcortical nuclei.

The MI can be used to define two modes of adolescent brain functional network development (6). A conservative node is defined by a positive MI, indicating that it is highly connected or “hub-like” at baseline (14 years) and becomes even more strongly connected over the course of adolescence (14 to 26 years). Theoretically, conservative nodes could also be weakly connected at baseline and become even more weakly connected during adolescence; however, empirically, we found that this was not the case (fig. S14). A disruptive node is defined by a negative MI, indicating either that it is weakly connected at age 14 but becomes more strongly connected or hub-like during adolescence or that it is a strongly connected node at 14 years but becomes more weakly connected or less hub-like during adolescence. The disruptive developmental profile of weak-getting-stronger during adolescence hypothetically represents a “rewiring” in the functional connectome, which could be relevant to the acquisition of social, cognitive, and other skills (6). Similar selective strengthening of connections has also been observed on the cellular level in the developing Caenorhabditis elegans connectome (63). It has also been argued that brain networks that are most developmentally active during adolescence are most likely to contribute to the coincidentally increased risk of mental health symptoms, i.e., “moving parts get broken” (11). For these reasons, our analysis focused particularly on sexual differences in weak-getting-stronger disruption in cortico-subcortical networks; results for strong-getting-stronger or conservative development are summarized in fig. S16.

The first explanation that we considered for this sex difference in developmental fMRI parameters is that they were attributable to sex differences in potentially confounding variables, including head motion during scanning. Head movement is known to be a potentially problematic confounder in developmental fMRI (19–21), and males, especially younger males, had more head movement than females in this sample. We initially addressed this issue by a two-stage preprocessing pipeline that statistically corrected each participant’s functional connectome for between-subject differences in head motion, indexed by FD. These preprocessed data passed the standard quality control criteria for movement-related effects on FC. In addition, we conducted three sensitivity analyses of head movement, repeating the entire analysis for male and female data separately, for a “motion-matched” subset of the data in which there was no significant sex difference in FD, and for all data after GSR (figs. S20 to S33) (24). In parallel, we conducted two additional sensitivity analyses to assess whether the male > female differences in intracranial volume, or global FC, might have confounded our principal results. In all five sensitivity analyses, our key results were qualitatively and quantitatively conserved, e.g., ΔMI maps estimated by the principal analysis were strongly correlated (mean r ∼ 0.8) with corresponding maps estimated by each sensitivity analysis. We therefore consider that sex differences in head movement, intracranial volume, and global FC can be discounted as sufficient explanations for sex differences in these parameters of brain network development.

An alternative explanation is that sex differences in FC14 − 26 and MI reflect divergent development of specific cortico-subcortical circuits. In particular, females have a significantly more disruptive pattern of adolescent development, indexed by negative ΔMI, because functional connections that were weak at 14 years became stronger, and connections that were strong became weaker, over the course of adolescence. This sex difference in terms of FC could be related to sex differences in an underlying process of reconfiguration or remodeling of cortico-subcortical connectivity at a synaptic or neuronal scale. To assess the plausibility of this biological interpretation, we used preexisting data on human brain gene expression, and the dimension-reducing multivariate method of PLS to identify the set of genes that were most over- or underexpressed in brain regions corresponding to the divergent system defined by developmental fMRI. Enrichment analysis demonstrated that the genes that were most strongly expressed in brain regions with more disruptive (or less conservative) development in females included significantly more X chromosome genes than expected by chance. The same set of genes was also significantly enriched for genes that are known a priori to be expressed in cortical areas during early (perinatal) development and in subcortical structures, such as amygdala, during adolescent development.

Sexual differentiation of the brain has been proposed to occur in two stages: an initial “organizational” stage before and immediately after birth and a later “activational” stage during adolescence (64). It has long been argued that these events are driven by gonadal hormones. However, more recent work suggests a complex interplay of sex chromosomes and their downstream products leading to sexual differentiation of brain cells (65–67). The results of our enrichment analysis, indicating colocation of the sexually divergent fMRI-derived map with brain regions enriched for expression of X chromosomal and neurodevelopmental genes, are compatible with interpretation of adolescent change in fMRI connectivity as a marker of an underlying program of transcriptional changes in genes previously linked to postnatal sexual differentiation at a neuronal level.

We assessed the relevance to depression of this sexually divergent profile of brain network development in several ways. Anatomically, the DMN and subcortical structures that had more disruptive development in females, e.g., ventral medial prefrontal cortex, medial temporal gyrus, and anterior and posterior cingulate cortex, have previously been implicated as substrates of depressive disorder (68, 69). This anatomical convergence was quantified by the significant spatial correlation between the whole brain map of sex differences in MI and an independent map of MDD case-control differences in nodal degree of FC. Cortical and subcortical areas with reduced degree of connectivity or “hubness” in MDD cases had more disruptive development in adolescent females. Genomically, the list of genes transcriptionally colocated with this divergently developing network was enriched for risk genes from prior genome-wide association studies of MDD. Further contextualizing the genes that were found to be significantly overexpressed in regions displaying more disruptive development in females, we noticed that this list included two (SST and NPY) of three genes previously reported (70), as specifically expressed by adult neuronal and glial cells and linked to neuroimaging phenotypes of depression (fig. S44). It is also notable that MDD has been previously associated with up-regulation of X-linked escapee genes and genes that control X-inactivation (71). Psychologically, by meta-analysis of a large prior database of task-related fMRI studies, we found that brain regions comprising the sexually divergent system were psychologically specialized for reward- and emotion-related processes that are fundamental to core depressive symptoms, e.g., anhedonia. Collectively, these results do not prove that there is a causal relationship between sexually divergent brain development and risk of depression. However, they demonstrate that there is a sexually divergent process of adolescent development of a cortico-subcortical system that is anatomically, genomically, and psychologically relevant to depression. These insights motivate and focus future studies purposively designed to test the hypothesis that sexual divergence of adolescent brain development causes contemporaneous or subsequent sex differences in the risk for mood disorders.

It is increasingly recognized that clinical phenotypes and genetic and environmental risk factors may be shared in common between depression and other mental health disorders arising in adolescence (72, 73). In particular, abnormalities in fMRI connectivity have been reported as trans-diagnostic phenotypes, characteristic of multiple, diagnostically distinct disorders (72), and risk genes associated with individual mental health and neurodevelopmental disorders have been found to overlap across disorders, implying that some genes confer trans-diagnostic risk for multiple neuropsychiatric disorders (73). In this context, it is reasonable to ask whether the significant associations that we have demonstrated between ΔMI and both fMRI and genetic data on MDD are specific to depression or whether they are representative of a trans-diagnostic association between ΔMI and functional dysconnectivity and/or risk genes for mental health disorders more generally. As a first step in addressing this question, we tested for spatial colocation of the ΔMI map and a map of functional dysconnectivity derived from a prior case-control fMRI study of schizophrenia. We found no significant association, indicating that the abnormalities of FC associated with adult schizophrenia do not coincide anatomically with the cortico-subcortical network that demonstrated sex differences in adolescent development. In a second step, we tested for enrichment by schizophrenia-associated genes of the list of genes that were identified by PLS analysis as transcriptionally colocated with the ΔMI map. We found no evidence for significant enrichment of this gene list by risk genes for schizophrenia. In summary, these two specificity analyses indicated that the brain systems demonstrating sexually divergent development in adolescence were not anatomically or genetically linked to schizophrenia, suggesting that this normative neurodevelopmental process may be specifically relevant to depression. However, we note that we have only tested for a relationship between ΔMI and two mental health disorders (MDD and schizophrenia). It will be important in the future to explore this relationship across a wider range of disorders to characterize its diagnostic specificity more comprehensively and conclusively. It is conceivable that sex differences in development of this system could be relevant to sex differences in risk for other mental health disorders.

Methodological limitations

It is a strength of the study that our analysis of sexually divergent brain network development is based on a large, accelerated longitudinal fMRI dataset with approximately equal numbers of males and females in each stratum of the adolescent age range. However, previous work has found substantial overlap in male and female distributions of multiple brain measures (74, 75), and the metrics analyzed here (FC14, FC14 − 26, and ΔMI) are group-level parameters. Thus, all reported sex differences are reflective of a group mean difference, estimated from FC distributions that substantially overlap between the sexes. On this basis, we are not arguing that female and male brains are distinctly dimorphic (76). Furthermore, this study included only data on biological sex such that we cannot comment on the effects of gender.

Limitations of the study include our reliance on gene expression maps from postmortem examination of six adult, mostly male, brains. This dataset is used widely and has been invaluable in shedding new light on the molecular correlates of neuroimaging phenotypes (77). Biological validation of sexually divergent adolescent development of this cortico-subcortical system derived from fMRI would be more directly informed by sex-specific human brain maps of whole-genome transcription in adolescence, but to the best of our knowledge, these data are not currently available. It will also be important in the future to test the hypothesis that an anatomically homologous cortico-subcortical system has divergent adolescent development in animal models that allow more precise but invasive analysis of the cellular and molecular substrates of fMRI phenotypes than is possible in humans.

Here, we used spin tests to correct for the confounding effects of spatial autocorrelation. Spatial autocorrelation of statistical brain maps can cause inflated estimates of the probability of spatial colocation or correlation between two maps (78). The spin-test procedure addresses this issue by conserving the spatial autocorrelational structure of the maps by randomly “spinning” or spherically rotating each map over the surface of the brain and calculating the spatial colocation statistic after each spin permutation (79). Other methods for testing spatial colocation in the context of spatial autocorrelation have been proposed, and this remains an active focus for ongoing research, especially in relation to colocation of neuroimaging phenotypes and brain gene transcriptional maps (78).

Social and environmental factors are relevant modulators of psychiatric disorders (80) and have not been assessed in this study. These factors (i) can be neurodevelopmentally relevant, i.e., childhood socioeconomic status influences the pace of brain development (81), and (ii) can help explain sex and gender differences in mental health outcomes, i.e., previous studies have demonstrated a relationship between social inequality and gender disparities in mental health (82). This naturally leads to the question of how sexually divergent functional network development might be modulated by socioeconomic deprivation or other environmental risk factors for mental health disorder. We suggest that deeper understanding of these potential interactions between biological programs of sexually divergent brain development on one hand and gendered or generic social stressors in childhood and adolescence on the other hand will be an important strategic goal for the future of mental health science. 

Gheirat in Iran: Relational violations that elicit this form of honor are harm or insult to namoos (people and self-relevant entities one is obliged to protect), romantic betrayal by namoos, & intrusions by a third person

Razavi, P., Shaban-Azad, H., & Srivastava, S. (2022). Gheirat as a complex emotional reaction to relational boundary violations: A mixed-methods investigation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, May 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspp0000424

Abstract: People from different cultural backgrounds vary in how they define, perceive, and react to violations of relational boundaries. Muslim cultures are diverse and include nearly one in four people in the world, yet research on their relational and moral norms is scarce. We contribute to narrowing this gap by studying gheirat, a moral-emotional experience ubiquitous in Muslim Middle Eastern cultures. In four mixed-methods studies, we study how gheirat is experienced, what situations elicit it, and its social functions among Iranian adults (N = 1,107) using qualitative interviews, scenario- and prototype-based surveys, and an experiment. The prototypical experience of gheirat consisted of diverse appraisals (including sense of responsibility, insecurity, and low self-worth) and emotional components (including hostility, social fears, and low empowerment). We identified three types of relational violations that elicit gheirat: harm or insult to namoos (people and self-relevant entities one is obliged to protect), romantic betrayal by namoos, and intrusions by a third person. Each violation type led to a distinct variant of the prototype. Contrary to folk theories of gheirat, we did not find support for the idea that gheirat is a predominantly male experience. However, an experiment on the signaling effects of gheirat revealed that gheirat expressors are ascribed both positive and negative traits, but positive traits prevail for men and negative traits prevail for women. We discuss how the results contribute to a better understanding of Iranian social life and intercultural contact, as well as the implications for theories of emotion and the cultural logic of honor.

The bottom of the income distribution reports 10% more items as essential than the top

Income and views on minimum living standards. David W. Johnston, Nidhiya Menon. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, Volume 199, July 2022, Pages 18-34. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2022.05.007

Highlights

• This paper explores the association between income and stated views on minimum living standards.

• Data from a large nationally representative survey reveal the rich deem fewer items to be essential.

• At baseline, the bottom of the income distribution reports 10% more items as essential than the top.

• Area-level inequality amplifies the negative income gradient; rich are equally uncaring for kids.

• Views are stable, formed primarily in childhood, and have strong effects on views during adulthood.

Abstract: This paper explores the association between income and stated views on minimum living standards; that is, views on items and activities that no one in today's society should have to go without. Using data from a large nationally representative survey, we find the rich deem fewer items to be essential. In our baseline model, people at the bottom of the income distribution report 10% more items as essential than do people at the top of the income distribution. The negative relationship between income and recommended minimum living standards is robust to conditioning on a large covariate set, and remains evident when we use alternative measures of economic status, such as wealth and neighborhood advantage. We find that area-level income inequality amplifies the negative income gradient, and that the rich are no more considerate towards children than they are towards adults. We also find that changes in people's views across time are relatively small, and unrelated to major economic life events. An explanation for this stability is that views are formed primarily in childhood. We find that economic status in childhood has strong effects on views during adulthood, but that intergenerational economic mobility is unimportant.

Keywords: IncomeLiving standardsInequalityChildhood shocksCulture

JEL: D31D63D64H24H31

Moderate Alcohol Use Is Associated with Reduced Cardiovascular Risk in Middle-Aged Men Independent of Health, Behavior, Psychosocial, and Earlier Life Factors

Moderate Alcohol Use Is Associated with Reduced Cardiovascular Risk in Middle-Aged Men Independent of Health, Behavior, Psychosocial, and Earlier Life Factors. Linda K. McEvoy et al. Nutrients  May 24 2022, Volume 14  Issue 11  https://www.mdpi.com/2072-6643/14/11/2183

Abstract: We examined whether the often-reported protective association of alcohol with cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk could arise from confounding. Our sample comprised 908 men (56–67 years), free of prevalent CVD. Participants were categorized into 6 groups: never drinkers, former drinkers, and very light (1–4 drinks in past 14 days), light (5–14 drinks), moderate (15–28 drinks), and at-risk (>28 drinks) drinkers. Generalized linear mixed effect models examined the associations of alcohol use with three established CVD risk scores: The Framingham Risk Score (FRS); the atherosclerotic CVD (ASCVD) risk score; and the Metabolic Syndrome (MetS) Severity score, adjusting for group differences in demographics, body size, and health-related behaviors. In separate models we additionally adjusted for several groups of potentially explanatory factors including socioeconomic status, social support, physical and mental health status, childhood factors, and prior history of alcohol misuse. Results showed lower CVD risk among light and moderate alcohol drinkers, relative to very light drinkers, for all CVD risk scores, independent of demographics, body size, and health-related behaviors. Alcohol-CVD risk associations were robust to further adjustment for several groups of potential explanatory factors. Study limitations include the all-male sample with limited racial and ethnic diversity, and the inability to adjust for sugar consumption and for patterns of alcohol consumption. Although this observational study does not address causation, results show that middle-aged men who consume alcohol in moderation have lower CVD risk and better cardiometabolic health than men who consume little or no alcohol, independent of a variety of health, behavioral, psychosocial, and earlier life factors.

Keywords: ethanol; CVD; diabetes; metabolic syndrome; atherosclerosis

Gender differences in competitiveness, with men more willing to enter competitions than women, are larger in more gender egalitarian countries

When do we observe a gender gap in competition entry? A meta-analysis of the experimental literature. Eva Markowsky, Miriam Beblo. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, Volume 198, June 2022, Pages 139-163. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2022.03.030

Abstract: This paper systematizes the experimental evidence on gender differences in competition preferences with a meta-analysis of 110 studies and 409 effect sizes on observed or residual gender gaps in experimental tournament entry. Our meta-summary confirms that, across all studies, men choose a tournament scheme 13 percentage points more often than women, which is only about a third of the gap found in Niederle and Vesterlund's (2007) seminal paper. Our meta-regression analysis reveals that larger gender differences are indeed prevalent in studies that most closely apply the Niederle-Vesterlund design, i.e., differences are largest in lab experiments with student subject pools and when math tasks are involved, but almost negligible for other age groups, verbal tasks, and in field-like environments. Experimental interventions such as information treatments or affirmative action measures prove very effective in reducing or even eliminating the gender gap. Although some measures of risk preferences and confidence are systematically related to the estimated residual gender gap in tournament entry, they do not eradicate competitiveness as a distinct trait. Finally, higher gender equality at the country level seems to go along with larger differences in women's and men's competition preferences.

Keywords: CompetitivenessGenderExperimentsMeta-analysis

JEL: J16 (Economics of Gender)D91 (Role and effects of psychologicalemotionalsocialand cognitive factors on decision making)C9 (Design of experiments)

1. Introduction

When Jane Fraser became CEO of Citigroup in February 2021, the number of female CEOs in the Fortune 500 increased to 37, resulting in a women's share of all top-level executives in the largest corporations in the United States of just over 7% (Ghosh 2021).1 This strikingly low number illustrates a common observation: Despite recent progress towards gender equality in the work place, women are still significantly underrepresented in leadership positions. The imbalance is not limited to private corporations but noticeable in the public sector as well, although to a somewhat lesser extent (DeHart-Davis et al. 2020; Cotroneo et al. 2021). In academia, similar patterns exist where women's representation diminishes throughout academic careers (e.g., European Commission 2019). To this day, in every sector of the labor market, climbing the career ladder to the very top seems to be much less likely for women than it is for men.

The idea that this gender imbalance may be driven by the work environment in high profile jobs, with high levels of competitive pressure, has garnered significant attention (e.g., Sandberg 2013, Bertrand 2011). A rather new branch of experimental literature in economics seems to confirm that women perform less well in highly competitive environments and that they are more inclined to avoid competition than men, who, in turn, tend to compete too much (Niederle 2017). We contribute to this field of research by systematizing the experimental evidence on gender differences in willingness to compete in a quantitative meta-analysis that assesses the size of the gap as well as its moderators.

The concept of competitiveness is commonly thought of as a trait comprising observable and unobservable latent components – among them risk and feedback aversion, (over)confidence, ability to perform under pressure and the willingness to enter a competition. Shurchkov & Eckel (2018: 488) argue that the latter represents a “revealed ‘preference for competition’”, making it an obvious choice for experimental investigations of competitiveness. Niederle & Vesterlund (2007) were the first to investigate these gender differences systematically in a laboratory experiment. In their seminal paper, university students perform a mathematical real-effort task twice, once under a piece-rate compensation and once in a winner-takes-all tournament in groups of four, where the winner is paid four times the piece rate per correctly solved problem and the other group members receive no payment. After these two performances, the authors let the subjects choose between piece rate and tournament compensation for the third round, to measure their competitive preferences, and find that women choose the tournament substantially less often than men. The gender gap persists even after controlling for risk aversion, confidence, and performance in a regression framework. In the following years, numerous experimental studies built on the Niederle-Vesterlund (NV) design and tested competitive preferences of women and men with different subject pools, different tasks, under different rules, and in different experimental settings. In doing so, researchers created many of what Hamermesh (2007) classifies as “scientific replications” – tests of an initial finding with different data and methods.

Reviews of this body of literature agree that, as a whole, these ”replication” efforts confirm women to be less willing to enter competitions than men, while emphasizing that the magnitude of the gap depends on the context and other, potentially unobserved, covariates. Among the two most recent and comprehensive, Niederle (2015) underlines the importance of beliefs, risk attitudes, other-regarding preferences, and the experimental task as possible confounding factors in measurements of the gender gap in competition entry. She names a number of other factors that may contribute to the gender gap: hormones, age, socioeconomic status, Big Five personality traits, priming, and culture. Finally, Niederle sees affirmative action and same-sex competition as possible interventions that may induce women to compete at similar levels as men. The review by Shurchkov & Eckel (2018: 10–13) adds stereotyping (though related to beliefs) and subject-pool differences to the list of factors potentially explaining the gender gap in competitiveness and contrast these with moderators that presumably reduce the gap: same-sex tournaments, competition in teams, magnitude of the prize, affirmative action, information/feedback/advice, “priming with ‘professionalism’”, or less time pressure.

In this paper, we complement the qualitative reviews with a systematic quantitative assessment of existing experimental studies on the gender gap in willingness to compete. Given the large number of studies on the subject, a meta-analysis can provide valuable insights where qualitative reviews, however thoroughly conducted, have their limitations. A meta-analysis can pin down an exact effect size and quantify the relative importance of moderators and interventions. While the results of our meta-analysis do not contest the central findings of the existing reviews, we believe that a quantitative analysis helps painting a fuller picture. In particular, we show under which conditions a gender gap in tournament entry emerges and we contribute to the current debate on distinct preference traits and the influence of overall gender equality on the gender gap in willingness to compete. Our analysis informs future research and policy makers aiming to design environments where women feel safe to compete.

The contribution of our paper is hence threefold: First, we summarize all experimental studies on the subject and present standardized effect sizes and their statistical qualities. Our meta-analysis comprises 110 experimental studies on gender differences in the willingness to compete and thereby twice as many as the most comprehensive qualitative review by Shurchkov & Eckel (2018) which reports on 58 papers, including investigations of competitive performance. We systematize the circumstances under which gender gaps in competition entry emerge in these studies by departing from very close NV replications and differentiating between study moderators and intervention moderators when enlarging the sample by more diverting variants of the original experimental design. We investigate the effectiveness of different intervention types aimed at higher competition rates of women. Our results confirm the great importance of the subject-pool and the nature of the experimental task in shaping the gender gap in tournament entry. They also highlight feedback, information, and affirmative action as the most efficient tools for reducing it.

Secondly, we exploit the meta-perspective to study how the measured competition gender gap changes when related traits are considered in a regression framework. This part of our analysis complements the recent debate about competitiveness as a distinct trait. Gillen et al. (2019) point out that experimental elicitations of the gender gap might be subject to bias resulting from erroneous measurement of the related factors risk preferences and overconfidence. The argument is that once measurement error in risk taking and confidence is minimized, both factors explain the majority of the gender gap in competition entry, leaving little room for a separate trait competitiveness.2 The authors show that one feasible way of reducing measurement error is to elicit and include multiple measures of risk and confidence. We build on this discussion and exploit heterogeneity across studies when determining the residual gender gap in tournament entry by different measures and controls for risk and confidence. Our analysis shows that controlling for risk can indeed lower the gender gap in competition entry. However, across the studies in our data set, we do not find evidence that including measures of risk (or confidence) reduces the residual gap systematically towards zero or renders it insignificant.

Thirdly, we contribute to the discussion on the influence of the cultural environment on gendered preferences. Our meta-data set of experimental competition studies conducted in 30 different countries and over a decade enables us to compare gender gaps in tournament entry relative to these countries’ respective state of gender equality. By complementing our data set with an indicator of gender equality, we show that competition gender gaps are larger in countries with higher levels of equal opportunity and parity between women and men.

The rest of the paper is structured as follows: Section 2 introduces our data set of experimental studies as well as the relevant effect sizes, i.e., measures of gender gaps in competition entry, and the different types of explanatory factors (moderators) included in the meta-analysis. Section 3 uses meta-analytical tools to quantify the reported competition gap, including formal tests for the presence of a potential publication bias in this body of literature. Section 4 applies meta-regression analysis to explain the heterogeneity in the literature and to answer the questions on effective interventions, correlations with risk preferences and overconfidence, and the cultural environment raised above. In Section 5 we conclude.