How Often and Why Do Guilty and Innocent Suspects Confess, Deny, or Remain Silent in Police Interviews?

How Often and Why Do Guilty and Innocent Suspects Confess, Deny, or Remain Silent in Police Interviews? Lennart May, Yonna Raible, Elsa Gewehr, Johannes Zimmermann & Renate Volbert. Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology, Jun 16 2022. https://rd.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11896-022-09522-w

Abstract: This study examines how often and why suspects who have reported being either guilty or innocent remain silent, confess, or deny accusations in police interview situations. Convicted offenders under current probation or parole in Germany (N = 280) completed a questionnaire about their perceptions of up to six specific police interview situations they had experienced in their lifetime. As predicted, more suspects reported having confessed truthfully (64.3%) compared to falsely (4.1%) at least once in their lifetime; and more suspects reported having remained silent in guilty interview situations (58.4%) compared to innocent interview situations (18.4%). Unexpectedly, approximately an equal number of suspects reported having denied truthfully (39.8%) and falsely (40.2%) at least once in their lifetime. The main reasons reported for these statement types were that evidence seemed to indicate guilt (true confessions), suspects desired to end the uncomfortable interview situation or protect the real perpetrator/another person (false confessions), evidence seemed weak (false denials), suspects felt innocent (true denials), they desired to protect themselves (silence while being interviewed when guilty), and they followed their attorneys’ advice (silence while being interviewed when innocent). Findings are discussed in the context of the police and psychological research and practice.

Discussion

The present study examined the lifetime prevalences, conditional probabilities, and reasons for suspects’ confessions, denials, and remaining silent in police interviews. We will interpret our findings on the three statement behaviors comprehensively and then discuss their scientific and practical implications.

First, as expected, more suspects reported having confessed at least once in their lifetime in guilty interview situations compared to innocent interview situations. The prevalence of false confessions among our sample was 4.1% and slightly below the range between 5.9 and 24% presented in Table 1 for inmates, offenders and forensic patients. However, the corresponding credibility interval in this study includes this range (95% CI [2.3, 6.9]. The false confessions reported here refer to different types of offenses (theft, fraud, assault, robbery, property damage, drug offenses, sexual offenses). The main reported motives for false confessions were to protect the real perpetrator/another person and a desire to end the uncomfortable interview situation. Ending the interview because of an aversive situation can be assigned to the type of coercive false confessions (e.g., Kassin and Wrightsman 1985), and researchers have already given recommendations on how to decrease the risk of this (e.g., Kassin et al. 2010). In contrast, protecting another person belongs to the type of voluntary false confessions (e.g., Kassin and Wrightsman 1985). Whereas this is a frequently reported reason for false confessions, we know of no literature focusing on how interviewers can detect and minimize voluntary false confessions in order to protect another person. This could be a line for future research.

The lifetime prevalence of true confessions in this study (64%) falls in between the wide range of the four self-report studies examining true confessions (28 to 92%; see Table 1). Also, the true confessions reported here refer to different types of offenses, with most being for theft, assault, and drug offenses. The most frequently mentioned reasons for true confessions were that the evidence seemed to indicate guilt and the suspect’s feeling of guilt. This result is in line with a review by Moston and Engelberg (2011) showing that the strength of evidence is a major predictor for a confession, and the meta-analysis by Houston et al. (2014) who found that true confessions were associated with the suspects’ emotional reactions to the interview and their perceptions of the evidence and their guilt. However, suspects also frequently reported the hope to get a lower sentence as a reason for true confessions. This was also a frequently mentioned reason for false confessions. It indicates that suspects consider the perceived consequences when contemplating confessing (on the effect of consequences on confession decisions, see Madon et al. 2012).

Second, as expected, more suspects reported having remained silent at least once in their lifetime in guilty interview situations (58%) compared to innocent interview situations (18%). To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to examine the reasons for being silent in guilty and innocent interview situations from the suspect’s perspective. Here, we want to highlight two results: First, the vast majority of suspects reported having remained silent at least once in their lifetime in guilty interview situations because they wanted to protect themselves against misuse of any statement they made. Furthermore, numerous suspects reported that they remained silent at least once in their lifetime in innocent interview situations because they generally do not make statements to the police. This reflects a rather critical picture of the police, and further research on this needs to follow. Second, the attorney’s advice to remain silent was a frequently reported reason for being silent at least once in a lifetime in both guilty and innocent interview situations. Future research could involve attorneys in order to understand the considerations and decisions of suspects and the interview interactions in more detail.

The lifetime prevalence of false denials (40%) was about the same as that for true denials (40%). This result was unexpected and contradicts the findings by Volbert et al. (2019) indicating a higher prevalence of true denials than false denials among forensic patients. Further research should examine this in more detail. However, both studies show that suspects frequently report true denials. Kassin et al. (2003) have argued that a true denial puts innocent suspects at risk: They found that interviewers tried hardest to obtain a confession when they presumed the suspect’s guilt, but the suspect was in fact innocent. From a suspect’s perspective, being innocent and truly denying an accusation can lead to facing an interviewer aiming to coerce a confession. Coercive and accusatorial interviewing, in turn, raises the risk of false confessions (e.g., Meissner et al. 2014). From the police perspective, “truly denying” is a highly challenging statement behavior. The rationale of this is the cognitive mindset of an interviewer: they may launch a suspect interview when they assume that the suspect is guilty. In this mindset, they may assess denials which do not contain conclusive exculpatory information as a sign of the suspect’s guilt. A pitfall here is that they need to distinguish true from false denials, but the ability of interviewers and humans in general to detect deception is poor (e.g., Bond and DePaulo (2006) found an overall accuracy rate of 54%). Probably the only reliable way to assess the validity of denials is by comparing statements with other evidence (e.g., Vredeveldt et al. 2014), but this becomes impossible if corroborating as well as exculpatory evidence is lacking. Suspects most frequently explained false denying in reported guilty interview situations with seemingly unclear evidence, the hope of not being convicted, and the hope of being released from custody. We believe it is fair to assume that these reasons relate to the strength of the evidence. Taking into account the most frequently reported reason for true confessions (evidence seemingly indicating guilt), this indicates the significant role of evidence from the suspects’ perspective.

This study also shows that the suspects made different statements in police interviews, and specific statement behaviors cannot be attributed solely to innocence or to guilt. Taking the reported guilt or innocence as a starting point, we calculated conditional probabilities that allow descriptions of which types of statements the suspects reported most probably for guilty or innocent interviews. Considering the reported guilty interview situations, the probability was highest for remaining silent (40%), followed by true confessions (36%), and false denial (24%). In contrast, for reported innocent interview situations, the probability was highest for true denial (60%), followed by remaining silent (36%), and eventually false confessions (4%). This finding is highly relevant to investigative practice: First, it shows that suspects—when they make a statement—most commonly make true statements (i.e., true confessions and true denials). Second, from a police perspective, the diversity of statement behaviors in innocent and guilty suspects shows the need to conduct suspect interviews in an open-ended manner. Interviewers’ open-ended mindset is at the core of investigating interviewing and is implemented, for example, in the PEACE model (e.g., Bull 2019). The results of the present study provide support for the international effort to introduce and implement investigative interviewing (e.g., European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment 2019), and generally an open-minded interview approach (Principles on Effective Interviewing for Investigations and Information Gathering 2021).

Finally, for innocent interview situations, the probability that suspects will waive their right to remain silent and deny is higher than that of remaining silent (at least once in their lifetime). In line with experimental findings (Kassin and Norwick 2004), Kassin (2005) has assumed that innocent suspects waive their right to remain silent because they may (a) trust in the fairness of the justice and legal system and expect that their innocence will be believed if they “just tell it like it happened,” and (b) believe that interviewers will be able to read their thoughts and emotions and hence will “see their innocence.” In the present study, the most and exclusive reason for denying in innocent interview situations was the suspects’ explanation “I was innocent.” This underpins Kassin (2005) claim that “innocents put innocence at risk,” because waiving the right to remain silent is an essential antecedent for false confessions. Scherr et al. (2016) also found that suspects’ willingness to waive their rights and deny an offense increased with the strength of their just-world beliefs. However, from a police interviewer’s perspective, the situation is different: Interviewers may conduct suspect interviews when they presume some degree of guilt. Thus, they may assume that the suspect is guilty, assess remaining silent and denying (when no other evidence for cross-checking is available) as an indicator for their guilt, and aim to overcome this and collect confessions. Differently put, remaining silent or denying when being innocent can lead to a risky interview situation with biased perceptions and assessments and coercive interviewing by the police interviewer. This, in turn, can result in false confessions by suspects.

Limitations

This study is based on retrospective self-reports that have some methodological limitations (e.g., social desirability, cognitive biases, remembering specific events out of multiple similar events, estimated frequencies of events), and we had no information with which to validate the participants’ self-reports (e.g., about their status of being guilty or innocent). These limitations hold true when surveying inmates (e.g., Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson 1994) but also police investigators (e.g., Kassin et al. 2007). Nevertheless, suspects are clearly central to suspect interviews, and their perspectives provide crucial information on them. Second, the current nonrepresentative sample limits the generalizability of the results (e.g., all participants were from one German federal state, German-speaking, without extensive cognitive disabilities). Third, the number of false confessions was small, and this limits the precision of the findings on the reasons for confessing when innocent. Future studies should remedy these limitations by including (a) more and a wider range of participants (e.g., persons from different German federal states, non-German speakers, suspects with cognitive disabilities), and (b) more information about the interview context (e.g., duration, location, persons present) and the personal characteristics of the suspects (e.g., mental health).

Fertility Status Does Not Facilitate Women’s Judgment of Male Sexual Orientation

Fertility Status Does Not Facilitate Women’s Judgment of Male Sexual Orientation. Scott W. Semenyna, Nicholas O. Rule & Paul L. Vasey. Archives of Sexual Behavior, Jun 15 2022. https://rd.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-022-02356-x#citeas

Abstract: Previous research has demonstrated that women can correctly distinguish between gay and heterosexual men’s faces significantly better than chance. This ability appears to be heightened during the most fertile portion of their ovulatory cycle. Here, we sought to replicate and extend these findings in a large sample of undergraduate women (N = 1960). Although women correctly identified men’s sexual orientation significantly better than chance (62% average accuracy), a subsample of naturally cycling women (n = 426) did not judge men’s sexual orientation from faces more accurately when in the fertile phase of their ovulatory cycle. These results further replicate the visibility of male sexual orientation, but do not show that this ability has strong links to estimated fertility.

What the study of spinal cord injured patients can tell us about the significance of the body in cognition

What the study of spinal cord injured patients can tell us about the significance of the body in cognition. V. Moro, M. Scandola & S. M. Aglioti. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, Jun 13 2022. https://rd.springer.com/article/10.3758/s13423-022-02129-6

Abstract: Although in the last three decades philosophers, psychologists and neuroscientists have produced numerous studies on human cognition, the debate concerning its nature is still heated and current views on the subject are somewhat antithetical. On the one hand, there are those who adhere to a view implying ‘disembodiment’ which suggests that cognition is based entirely on symbolic processes. On the other hand, a family of theories referred to as the Embodied Cognition Theories (ECT) postulate that creating and maintaining cognition is linked with varying degrees of inherence to somatosensory and motor representations. Spinal cord injury induces a massive body-brain disconnection with the loss of sensory and motor bodily functions below the lesion level but without directly affecting the brain. Thus, SCI may represent an optimal model for testing the role of the body in cognition. In this review, we describe post-lesional cognitive modifications in relation to body, space and action representations and various instances of ECT. We discuss the interaction between body-grounded and symbolic processes in adulthood with relevant modifications after body-brain disconnection.

(Dis)Embodied approaches to cognition

The traditional occidental concept of the human mind seems to be essentially based on mind-body dualism deriving from the Cartesian distinction between the mind (res cogitans) and the body (res extensa). The mind-body dichotomy has been taken to imply not only that basic perceptual and motor functions are separated from higher order ones (Block, 1995), but also that the latter are exclusively based on the manipulation of abstract, amodal symbols and are largely independent from the former (Newell & Simon, 1972). In the last few decades, this radical view has been challenged by ever increasing psychological and neuroscientific evidence that human cognition is profoundly influenced by basic sensorimotor processes and that even complex concepts such as the abstract aspects of language are largely grounded on body representations and their relations with the world. This is the central tenet of a group of theories that are included under the umbrella definition of ‘Embodied Cognition Theories’ (ECTs). According to these theories, all human experience is grounded in the body, not only perceptual and emotional processes and social interactions, but also the acquisition and creative use of language (e.g., the use of metaphors), judgment capacities and the creation of cultural artefacts (Gallagher, 2005). Since their original formulation (Glenberg, 1997), ECTs have attracted the interest of many disciplines, such as psychology, psychotherapy (Khoury et al., 2017; Tschacher et al., 2017), education (Pouw et al., 2014), philosophy, anthropology, robotics (Hoffmann et al., 2010), artificial intelligence (Shapiro, 2011) and, last but not least, neuroscience (Freund et al., 2016; Kiefer & Pulvermüller, 2012; Mahon & Caramazza, 2008). However, ECTs do not refer to a unitary construct and each theory does in effect differ from another in the way it conceives the reciprocal relations between the body, the mind and the environment and the modalities by means of which bodily representations affect cognition. The various different theories range from a general idea of an instrumental role of the body in information processing (Körner et al., 2015) to a more radical view asserting that “all cognitive processes are based on sensory, motor and emotional processes, which are themselves grounded in body morphology and physiology” (Glenberg, 2015, p. 166).

Importantly, however, a sort of continuum is identifiable within these various theories (Fig. 1). At one extreme of this continuum, there is a hypothesis that presupposes the hierarchical organisation of cognition with a symbolic system that is separated from the sensorimotor system that can merely activate motor responses (Leshinskaya & Caramazza, 2016). At the other extreme is the idea that cognition emerges from a dynamic circle of interactions between the brain, the body, and the environment without the need for symbols (Brooks, 1991; van Gelder, 1998). What distinguishes these two perspectives regards the role that the body and its connection to objects plays in cognition (Shapiro, 2019). The body may be considered to ‘participate’ in building cognition since cognition may be altered depending on the shape, size and experiences of the body (Glenberg, 1997; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999; Varela et al., 1991). From a different perspective, the body can be considered to be ‘constitutive’ in the sense that cognition would not exist without it (e.g., the Perceptual Symbol theory; Barsalou, 2008; O’Regan & Noë, 2001). Objects are only taken into account in some of these theories in which it is suggested that they participate in building cognition (e.g., the Extended mind theory, Clark, 2006; the Dynamical systems theory, van Gelder, 1998). An example is the act of writing and thinking at the same time, a task that gives a specific result due to the interaction between the brain and the body and thence to a pen and paper, and from there back again to the brain (Clark, 2006). Accordingly, if one changes either the gesture or the object, the final product will also be different. One might ask whether in this case the mind extends to the body (e.g., the Peripheral mind theory, Aranyosi, 2013) and also to the objects (Clark, 2006) or, alternatively, the mind incorporates the body and the objects it is interacting with (Borghi, 2005). This is a question that remains unanswered.

Fig. 1

The various different models of embodied cognition theories are represented in a progression from one extreme with Disembodied Cognition to the other extreme positions inside the Embodied Cognition Theories. The co-existence of modal and amodal symbols in adulthood is suggested

Full size image

Recent studies on the link between embodiment and higher order functions in people with sensory deprivation highlight the importance of both sensory and conceptual representations (Ostarek & Bottini, 2021). For example, anterior temporal lobe activation in colour-knowledge tasks turned out to be very similar in congenital and early blind subjects (Wang et al., 2020). In contrast, activation in the ventral occipito-temporal colour perception regions was found only in sighted controls. This pattern of results points to the existence of two forms of object representation in the human brain: a sensory-derived and a cognitive-derived form of knowledge (Wang et al., 2020), with the former being experience-dependent and the latter experience-independent (Ostarek & Bottini, 2021). Crucially, the analyses of connectivity in Wang et al.’s study shows that the two systems relating to colour knowledge are integrated and part of a widespread network (Wang et al., 2020). Thus, a crucial question concerns not only whether but also how the two levels interact and if the sensory level is able to modulate and modify the conceptual level. If so, one can conclude that knowledge is embodied, although embodiment is not the only way the brain understands the world.

While no single clinical condition makes it possible to distinguish between the various different ECTs, alterations in the body may provide novel information on the different variables that play a role in these processes. Studies of amputees, for example, may highlight possible representational bodily changes that might, however, be due to multiple aspects, such as the visual appreciation of conspicuous changes in body shape as well as the somatosensory and motor disconnection between the body and the brain. In the following section, we focus on individuals suffering from spinal cord injury (SCI) in whom the general body shape is unchanged in spite of a massive somatosensory de-afferentation and motor de-efferentation. The specificity of this neurological model with respect to other clinical conditions will be analysed, then the changes in cognitive functions associated with SCIs are reviewed, starting from the representation of static and acting bodies, and continuing with an exploration of object and space representations. The potential contribution of these experimental data to the debate on embodied cognition will conclude the review.

Sweet memories have extraordinary potential to relieve the bitterness of life

The power of negative and positive episodic memories. Samantha E. Williams, Jaclyn H. Ford & Elizabeth A. Kensinger. Cognitive, Affective, & Behavioral Neuroscience, Jun 14 2022. https://rd.springer.com/article/10.3758/s13415-022-01013-z

Abstract: The power of episodic memories is that they bring a past moment into the present, providing opportunities for us to recall details of the experiences, reframe or update the memory, and use the retrieved information to guide our decisions. In these regards, negative and positive memories can be especially powerful: Life’s highs and lows are disproportionately represented in memory, and when they are retrieved, they often impact our current mood and thoughts and influence various forms of behavior. Research rooted in neuroscience and cognitive psychology has historically focused on memory for negative emotional content. Yet the study of autobiographical memories has highlighted the importance of positive emotional memories, and more recently, cognitive neuroscience methods have begun to clarify why positive memories may show powerful relations to mental wellbeing. Here, we review the models that have been proposed to explain why emotional memories are long-lasting (durable) and likely to be retrieved (accessible), describing how in overlapping—but distinctly separable—ways, positive and negative memories can be easier to retrieve, and more likely to influence behavior. We end by identifying potential implications of this literature for broader topics related to mental wellbeing, education, and workplace environments.

---

Positive memories also hold a power all their own. Unlike the affect associated with negative memories, which tends to fade relatively quickly, positive memories are more likely to retain their affective intensity (Walker et al., 1997; see recent review by Skowronski et al., 2014). This may be part of the reason why positive autobiographical memories act as rewards in themselves (Speer et al., 2014) and can buffer effects of stress (Speer & Delgado, 2017). Memories for positive personal events become more integrally tied to our sense of self and can perpetuate self-esteem (Çili & Stopa, 2015) and become an important part of our life story (Berntsen et al., 2011).

Given these features of positive autobiographical memories, it may come as no surprise that they have high utility and can be strategically recalled to good purposes (Figure 3). Positive memories are powerful in their ability to repair our moods after a negative mood induction (Joormann et al., 2007; Joormann & Siemer, 2004), to connect us socially (Rasmussen & Berntsen, 2009; Wolf & Demiray, 2019), and to inspire us toward prosocial behavior (Gaesser & Schacter, 2014). By activating reward circuitry, they even may trigger mnemonic circuitry that increases the likelihood that we encode the good in the world around us. We will review the literature shedding light on the power of positive memories.

Studying two highly divergent phyla of worms that contain numerous parasites that cause human and livestock diseases, new research sheds light on how sexual reproduction and subsequent great diversity of sex chromosomes might have evolved

Yifeng Wang, Robin B. Gasser, Deborah Charlesworth, Qi Zhou. Evolution of sexual systems, sex chromosomes and sex-linked gene transcription in flatworms and roundworms. Nature Communications, 2022; 13 (1). Jun 10 2022. DOI: 10.1038/s41467-022-30578-z

Abstract: Many species with separate male and female individuals (termed ‘gonochorism’ in animals) have sex-linked genome regions. Here, we investigate evolutionary changes when genome regions become completely sex-linked, by analyses of multiple species of flatworms (Platyhelminthes; among which schistosomes recently evolved gonochorism from ancestral hermaphroditism), and roundworms (Nematoda) which have undergone independent translocations of different autosomes. Although neither the evolution of gonochorism nor translocations fusing ancestrally autosomal regions to sex chromosomes causes inevitable loss of recombination, we document that formerly recombining regions show genomic signatures of recombination suppression in both taxa, and become strongly genetically degenerated, with a loss of most genes. Comparisons with hermaphroditic flatworm transcriptomes show masculinisation and some defeminisation in schistosome gonad gene expression. We also find evidence that evolution of sex-linkage in nematodes is accompanied by transcriptional changes and dosage compensation. Our analyses also identify sex-linked genes that could assist future research aimed at controlling some of these important parasites.

Popular version: Parasitic worms reveal new insights into the evolution of sex and sex chromosomes Two worm phyla give clues on how sex chromosomes might have evolved. Jun 15 2022. https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2022/06/220615102849.htm

Discussion

The evolution of sex chromosomes in some taxa involves the primary transition from a hermaphroditic system or from environmental sex determination to a dioecious/gonochoristic species with genetic sex determination. Such transitions usually are accompanied by potential suppression of recombination in and around the sex-determining gene(s), and the recombination suppression sometimes even extends to other sex chromosome regions. In other species, turnover events may create new sex-determining regions, which may also evolve into non-recombining regions. In either case, autosomal regions that fused or translocated to sex chromosomes may sometimes also become completely sex-linked, either in species that lack recombination in the heterogametic sex26, or potentially in species with recombination in both sexes through subsequent recombination loss.

Schistosomes have evolved gonochorism from hermaphroditism and exhibit strong morphological sexual dimorphism (see above). As explained earlier, the first step in such a primary transition must either involve a mutation creating females (producing a gynodioecious population), or one creating males (producing an androdioecious population). A mutation in the highly conserved oogenesis-related or feminising gene mag-1 might have produced males in the ancestor of schistosomes. However, it seems unlikely that such a mutation could have greatly increased male fitness, compared with that of the ancestral hermaphrodite, as required for the establishment of androdioecy. Females could have arisen due to a dominant mutation in the reported W-linked candidate sex-determining gene U2AF2 (Fig. 5k)85,86. The involvement of these genes in the evolution of schistosome sex-determination needs to be tested in the future.

Our finding that the evolution of the present schistosome sex-linked regions was followed by transcriptional changes of many genes in gonads (Fig. 5d–g) is consistent with the hypothesis of sexual antagonism in the hermaphroditic ancestor, favouring re-allocation of resources after separate sexes evolved75. Assuming that higher transcription levels reflect advantageous changes, the results in schistosomes suggest that conflicts were resolved and a new optimum reached more frequently in males (masculinisation and overwhelming defeminisation) than in females (feminisation) in the gonads. In the transition to dioecy in Silene latifolia, with male, instead of female heterogamety, and an XY sex chromosome system, transcriptional changes occurred most frequently in females92. The results suggest transcriptional changes after the X or Z chromosome became hemizygous in one sex, resulting in masculinisation of the schistosome Z (as shown in Supplementary Fig. 16) and feminisation of the X chromosome in S. latifolia.

Following the origin of gonochorism, both schistosome and nematode ancestral sex chromosomes have undergone translocations of autosomes, like those in many other taxa26,56 (Figs. 3 and 5a). The translocated autosomes, or large parts of them, have become completely non-recombining in both phyla, and in nematodes they have become strongly degenerated like the ancestral sex chromosomes. How loss of recombination happened is an interesting question. Recombination between the autosomes involved in a fusion or translocation with sex chromosomes often maintain autosomes’ former recombination patterns. However, the study of fusions between the C. elegans X chromosome and chromosome IV62 suggested that crossovers may be re-positioned away from the fusion junction, creating a new chromosome with two arm regions (whereas the two participating chromosomes each contained two arm regions). In the fused chromosome, a potentially large former arm region close to the fusion point may thus have greatly reduced recombination, and if the fusion involves the X chromosome, this will occur specifically in males. Such events can therefore create new sex-linked regions without involving selection for suppressed recombination.

Translocations of autosomes to ancestral sex chromosomes may be common in nematodes because some, though not all, nematodes have holocentric chromosomes93. Such chromosomes may be more prone to fusions or fissions than monocentric ones, in which such rearrangements may lead to a loss or multiplication of centromeres94. However, a recent comparison of insects with different centromere types found no evidence supporting this hypothesis95.

Finally, we annotated many Y- or W-linked genes additional to those already known in the flatworm and roundworm species studied here (Figs. 4 and 5). We also found homologs of C. elegans sex-determination pathway genes that may have undergone duplications in different nematode species. These genes could be involved in the divergence of the sex-determination pathways, as has already been documented between C. elegans vs. C. briggsae96. Functional verification in other nematode species is needed in the future. The present study could not identify further changes that may have occurred after lineage-specific duplications of these genes, and possible changes also need to be studied further. For example, gld-1 was independently recruited into the sex-determination pathways of C. elegans and C. briggsae; in C. elegans it acts to promote spermatogenesis, but it promotes oogenesis in C. briggsae97. Its co-factor, fog-2, evolved by a duplication and acquisition of a new GLD-1-binding domain in C. elegans88,98. The newly annotated, candidate sex-determining genes could be a useful resource for future studies of parasite control through interfering with their sexual life cycles.

We cannot read the generosity of others from their facial features, but we are convinced that the good looking are more generous

You Cannot Judge a Book by Its Cover: Evidence from a Laboratory Experiment on Recognizing Generosity from Facial Information. Ninghua Du, Fei Song, C. Bram Cadsby. Journal of Behavioral and Experimental Economics, June 14 2022, 101909. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socec.2022.101909

• People cannot glean information about other-regarding preferences from facial information

• People make systematic errors when they try to identify generosity from facial information

• Those who are rated as more attractive are perceived to be more generous

• There is no actual relationship between physical attractiveness and generosity

Abstract: People form first impressions of others and may make judgments about their social traits and character on the basis of facial perceptions. We implement a controlled laboratory experiment to investigate whether people can glean information about another person's other-regarding preferences from uncropped photographs of their face. To do so, we conduct a dictator game with an allocator and a recipient, and then present pairs of allocator photos to observers. Each pair portrays one relatively generous allocator and another who has demonstrated less generosity. The experimental results show that the observers cannot accurately recognize more generous allocators, but instead make systematic errors. In particular, the observers believe that allocators who are rated more attractive by others are more generous, despite there being no actual relationship between physical attractiveness and generosity.

Keywords: Face-based JudgmentExperimentDictator GameOther-regarding PreferencesGenerosityAppearance

Feeling younger than one's chronological age was associated with better mental and physical health, presence of meaning in life, successful aging, optimism, personal mastery, resilience, curiosity, hope, and social support

Subjective age and its relationships with physical, mental, and cognitive functioning: A cross-sectional study of 1,004 community-dwelling adults across the lifespan. Awais Aftab et al. Journal of Psychiatric Research, June 14 2022. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpsychires.2022.06.023

Abstract: Perceived younger age is associated with positive health outcomes in existing literature. Few studies have examined these associations using a wide range of variables in large sample of adults of all ages. The objective of present study was to characterize the discrepancy between chronological age (CA) and subjective age (SA) in a large sample of community-dwelling adults across the lifespan, investigate associations with mental, physical, and cognitive health, and examine how it is related to a broad array of psychosocial variables relevant to well-being. Cross-sectional data from 1,004 individuals aged 21–100+ years from the Successful AGing Evaluation (SAGE) study were used for this analysis. Data included self-report measures of physical health (SF-36 – Physical Component), mental health composite score (created using CES-D Happiness scale, Satisfaction with Life Scale, SF-36 Mental Component, Brief Symptom Inventory Anxiety Scale, Patient Health Questionnaire-9, and Perceived Stress Scale), Telephone Interview for Cognitive Status - modified (TICS-m), and validated measures of various positive psychological variables such as meaning in life and optimism. On average, SA was 11.5 years younger than CA (SD 11.3). The discrepancy increased with CA. A younger SA compared to CA was associated with better mental and physical health in all age groups and was positively associated with measures of presence of meaning in life, successful aging, optimism, personal mastery, resilience, curiosity, hope, and social support. The association between age discrepancy and cognitive functioning was not statistically significant. These findings indicate that SA is potentially valuable for the purposes of clinical assessment and intervention, and this possibility should be investigated in future research.

Keywords: Positive psychiatryMeaning in lifeSuccessful agingOptimismPersonal masteryResilience

High social status, good looks, and being well-off and influential did not belong to the traits found desirable in a friend, and women held higher expectations for friends than men

Friendship Preferences: Examining Desirable and Undesirable Traits in a Friend. Menelaos Apostolou & Panagiota Vetsa. Evolutionary Psychological Science, Jun 14 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40806-022-00329-w

Abstract: Friendship constitutes a human universal, with people across different times and places forming friendly relationships. Yet, people are selective in whom they befriend. The current research aimed to identify friendship preferences, that is, the traits that people find desirable or undesirable in a friend. More specifically, Study 1 employed open-ended questionnaires and identified 50 traits that participants preferred their friends to have, and 43 traits that they preferred their friends not to have. Study 2 employed a sample of 706 Greek-speaking participants and classified desirable traits into 10 broader factors; the most important one was being honest, followed by being ethical, pleasant, and available. Study 3 employed a sample of 865 Greek-speaking participants and classified undesirable traits into three broader factors. The most undesirable one was being dishonest, followed by being competitive and being impatient. In both studies, women tended to give higher scores than men. In addition, significant age effects were found for most factors in both studies.

The biological basis of intelligence

The biological basis of intelligence: Benchmark findings. Kirsten Hilger et al. Intelligence, Volume 93, July–August 2022, 101665. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2022.101665

Highlights

• Focused overview of research on the biological basis of intelligence.

• Benchmark findings from EEG, neuroimaging, and genetic research.

• Critical open questions and future directions.

Abstract: The scientific study of the biological basis of intelligence has been contributing to our understanding of individual differences in cognitive abilities for decades. In particular, the ongoing development of electrophysiological, neuroimaging, and genetic methods has created new opportunities to gain insights into pressing questions, allowing the field to come closer towards a comprehensive theory that explains how genotypes exert their influence on human intelligence through intermediate biological and cognitive endophenotypes. The aim of this article is to provide a focused overview of empirical benchmark findings on biological correlates of intelligence. Specifically, we summarize benchmark findings from electrophysiological, neuroimaging, and genetic research. Moreover, we discuss four open questions: (1) The robustness of research findings; (2) the relation between neural parameters and cognitive processes; (3) promising methodological developments; and (4) theory development. The aim of this paper is to assemble the most important and robust findings on the biological basis of intelligence to stimulate future research and to contribute to theory development.

Keywords: NeuroscienceElectroencephalographyMagnet resonance imaging (MRI)GeneticsIntelligenceCognitive abilities