Human Capital Mediates Natural Selection in Contemporary Humans. David Hugh-Jones & Abdel Abdellaoui. Behavior Genetics, Jul 6 2022. https://rd.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10519-022-10107-w
Abstract: Natural selection has been documented in contemporary humans, but little is known about the mechanisms behind it. We test for natural selection through the association between 33 polygenic scores and fertility, across two generations, using data from UK Biobank (N = 409,629 British subjects with European ancestry). Consistently over time, polygenic scores that predict higher earnings, education and health also predict lower fertility. Selection effects are concentrated among lower SES groups, younger parents, people with more lifetime sexual partners, and people not living with a partner. The direction of natural selection is reversed among older parents, or after controlling for age at first live birth. These patterns are in line with the economic theory of fertility, in which earnings-increasing human capital may either increase or decrease fertility via income and substitution effects in the labour market. Studying natural selection can help us understand the genetic architecture of health outcomes: we find evidence in modern day Great Britain for multiple natural selection pressures that vary between subgroups in the direction and strength of their effects, that are strongly related to the socio-economic system, and that may contribute to health inequalities across income groups.
Discussion
Previous work has documented natural selection in modern populations on variants underlying polygenic traits (Beauchamp 2016; Kong et al. 2017; Sanjak et al. 2018). We show that correlations between polygenic scores and fertility are highly concentrated among specific subgroups of the population, including people with lower income, lower education, younger first parenthood, and more lifetime sexual partners. Among mothers aged 22+, selection effects are reversed. Furthermore, the size of selection effects on a polygenic score correlates with that score’s association with labour market earnings. Strikingly, some of these results were predicted by Fisher (1930), pp. 253-254. The economic theory of fertility gives a parsimonious explanation for these findings. Because of the substitution effect of earnings on fertility, scores are selected for when they correlate with low human capital, and this effect is stronger at lower levels of income and education.
Polygenic scores which correlate with lower earnings and less education are being selected for. In addition, many of the phenotypes under positive selection are linked to disease risk. Many people would probably prefer to have high educational attainment, a low risk of ADHD and major depressive disorder, and a low risk of coronary artery disease, but natural selection is pushing against genes associated with these traits. Potentially, this could increase the health burden on modern populations, but that depends on effect sizes. Our results show that naïve estimates can be affected by sample ascertainment bias. There may be remaining sources of ascertainment bias after our weighting; if so, we expect that, like the sources of ascertainment we have controlled for, they probably bias our results towards zero. Researchers should be aware of the risks of ascertainment when studying modern natural selection.
We also do not know how estimated effect sizes of natural selection will change as more accurate polygenic scores are produced, or whether genetic variants underlying other phenotypes will show a similar pattern to those studied here. Also, effects of polygenic scores may be inflated in population-based samples, because of indirect genetic effects, gene-environment correlations, and/or assortative mating (Lee et al. 2018; Selzam et al. 2019; Kong et al. 2018; Howe et al. 2021), although we do not expect that this should change their association with number of offspring, or the resulting changes in allele frequencies. Although effects on our measured polygenic scores are small even after weighting, individually small disadvantages can cumulate to create larger effects. Lastly, note that our data comes from people born before 1970. Recent evidence suggests that fertility patterns may be changing (Doepke et al. 2022). Overall, it is probably too early to tell whether modern natural selection has a substantively important effect on population averages of phenotypes under selection.
Because selection effects are concentrated in lower-income groups, they may also increase inequality with respect to polygenic scores. For example, Figure 8 plots mean polygenic scores for educational attainment (EA3) among children from households of different income groups. The blue bars show the actual means, i.e. parents’ mean polygenic score weighted by number of children. The grey bars show the hypothetical means if all households had equal numbers of children. Natural selection against genes associated with educational attainment is stronger at the bottom of the income distribution, and this increases the differences between groups. Overall, natural selection increases the correlation of polygenic scores with income for 28 out of 33 polygenic scores, with a median percentage increase of 16.43% in the respondents’ generation (Appendix Table 5). If inequalities in polygenic scores are important for understanding social structure and mobility (Belsky et al. 2018; Rimfeld et al. 2018; Harden 2021), then these increases are substantive. Similarly, since many polygenic scores are predictive of disease risk, they could potentially increase health inequalities. In general, the evolutionary history of anatomically modern humans is related to disease risk (Benton et al. 2021); understanding the role of contemporary natural selection may help researchers to map the genetic architecture of health disparities.
Mean polygenic score for educational attainment (EA3) of children by household income group. Blue is actual. Grey is hypothetical in the absence of selection effects (Color figure online)
Existing evidence on human natural selection has led some to “biocosmic pessimism” (Sarraf and Feltham 2019). Others are more sanguine, and argue that natural selection’s effects are outweighed by environmental improvements, like those underlying the Flynn effect (Flynn 1987). The evidence here may add some nuance to this debate. Patterns of natural selection have been relatively consistent across the past two generations, but they are not the outcome of a single, society-wide phenomenon. Instead they result from opposing forces, operating in different parts of society and pulling in different directions.
Any model of fertility is implicitly a model of natural selection, but so far, the economic and human genetics literatures have developed in parallel. Integrating the two could deepen our understanding of natural selection in modern societies. Economics possesses a range of theoretical models on the effects of skills, education and income (see Hotz et al. 1997; Lundberg and Pollak 2007). One perennial problem is how to test these theories in a world where education, labour and marriage markets all interact. Genetic data, such as polygenic scores, could help to pin down the direction of causality, for example via Mendelian randomization (Smith and Shah 2003). Conversely, economic theories and empirical results can shine a light on the mechanisms behind natural selection, and thereby on the nature of individual differences in complex traits and disease risk.